Printer-friendly versionSend by emailPDF version

Reproductive Rights

Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity in Canada’s ‘Feminist’ International Assistance

Citation:

Aylward, Erin, and Stephen Brown. 2020. “Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity in Canada’s ‘Feminist’ International Assistance.” International Journal: Canada’s Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75 (3): 313–28.

Authors: Erin Aylward, Stephen Brown

Abstract:

Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP), launched in June 2017, marks the first time that sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) have been mentioned in an overarching Canadian aid policy. The inclusion of SOGI in the policy document sent an important signal to domestic and international development partners on the need to consider these sources of discrimination and marginalization. This article asks two basic research questions. First, what is the place of SOGI in Canada’s “feminist” international assistance? Second, what additional steps does Canada’s development program need to take to protect the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global South? Based on an analysis of official documents and secondary sources, we argue that FIAP itself sends only a weak signal about the importance of SOGI-related concerns, but Canadian foreign aid has expanded its understanding of LGBTI issues and has begun to commit dedicated resources to addressing them. Nonetheless, the initial programming (2017–2019) was channelled in an ad hoc manner and through one, major stand-alone commitment, rather than through a broader framework that would guide SOGI’s integration into Canadian programs over the long term. If serious about addressing LGBTI rights more systematically, the Canadian government needs to expand its definition of what SOGI entails and move beyond niche programming to recognize the cross cutting dimension of LGBTI rights in foreign aid, especially in the area of sexual and reproductive health and rights.

Keywords: foreign aid, sexual orientation, gender identity, LGBTI, Canada, feminism

Topics: Development, Feminisms, Feminist Foreign Policy, Gender, Health, Reproductive Health, LGBTQ, Rights, Reproductive Rights, Sexuality Regions: Americas, North America Countries: Canada

Year: 2020

The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the Necro-Populationism of ‘Climate-Smart’ Agriculture

Citation:

Shaw, Amanda, and Kalpana Wilson. 2020. “The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the Necro-Populationism of ‘Climate-Smart’ Agriculture.” Gender, Place & Culture 27 (3): 370–93.

Authors: Amanda Shaw, Kalpana Wilson

Abstract:

Agricultural and reproductive technologies ostensibly represent opposing poles within discourses on population growth: one aims to ‘feed the world,’ while the other seeks to limit the number of mouths there are to feed. There is, however, an urgent need to critically interrogate new discourses linking population size with climate change and promoting agricultural and reproductive technologies as a means to address associated problems. This article analyses the specific discourses produced by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation (BMGF) in relation to these ‘population technologies’ and ‘climate-smart’ agriculture in particular. Drawing on concepts and approaches developed by Black, postcolonial and Marxist feminists including intersectionality, racial capitalism, social reproduction, and reproductive and environmental justice, we explore how within these discourses, the ‘geo-populationism’ of the BMGF’s climatesmart agriculture initiatives, like the ‘demo-populationism’ of its family planning interventions, mobilises neoliberal notions of empowerment, productivity and innovation. Not only do these populationist discourses reinforce neoliberal framings and policies which extend existing regimes of racialised and gendered socio-spatial inequality, but they also underwrite global capital accumulation through new science and technologies. The BMGF’s representations of its climate-smart agriculture initiatives offer the opportunity to understand how threats of climate change are mobilised to reanimate and repackage the Malthusian disequilibrium between human fertility and agricultural productivity. Drawing upon our readings of these discourses, we critically propose the concept of ‘necro-populationism’ to refer to processes that target racialised and gendered populations for dispossession, toxification, slow death and embodied violence, even while direct accountability for the effects of these changes is dispersed. We also identify a need for further research which will not only trace the ways in which the BMGF’s global policies are materialised, spatialised, reproduced and reoriented by multiple actors in local contexts, but will also recognise and affirm the diverse forms through which these ‘necro-populationist’ processes are disavowed and resisted.

Topics: Agriculture, Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Development, Environment, Climate Change, Feminisms, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Intersectionality, Race, Rights, Reproductive Rights

Year: 2020

The Body and State Violence, from the Harrowing to the Mundane: Chilean Women's Oral Histories of the Augusto Pinochet Dictatorship (1973–1990)

Citation:

Townsend, Brandi. 2019. "The Body and State Violence, from the Harrowing to the Mundane: Chilean Women's Oral Histories of the Augusto Pinochet Dictatorship (19731990)." Journal of Women's History 31 (2): 33-56.

Author: Brandi Townsend

Abstract:

This article analyzes group interviews with three women from Valparaíso, Chile, who were imprisoned together under Augusto Pinochet's military dictatorship (1973–1990). Sylvia, Alicia, and Oriana's oral histories reveal that they frequently spoke about their bodies to convey their experiences of state violence. Sylvia and Alicia constructed narratives of rebellion against the regime and challenged long-standing notions of men's domination over women's bodies. Oriana's account, however, uncovers the complexity of learning to live with the enduring effects of sexual torture, while at the same time defying conventional ideas about sex and motherhood. The article also emphasizes how these women spoke about structural and subtler forms of violence, including denying basic hygienic conditions, constraining freedom of movement, and restricting the right to control birth. It demonstrates how these oral histories were mediated by historical discourses of gender, maternity, sexuality, class, and race.

Topics: Class, Gender, Gender-Based Violence, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Health, Trauma, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Rights, Reproductive Rights, Women's Rights, Torture, Sexual Torture, Sexual Violence, Male Perpetrators, SV against Women Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Chile

Year: 2019

Empowering Women Through Land Rights: Connecting Economic Empowerment, Control Over Assets, and Sexual Negotiation Within Kisumu County, Kenya

Citation:

Shaffer, Madison. 2019. “Empowering Women Through Land Rights: Connecting Economic Empowerment, Control Over Assets, and Sexual Negotiation Within Kisumu County, Kenya.” Paper presented at APHA's 2019 Annual Meeting and Expo, Burlington, VT, November 2-6.

Author: Madison Shaffer

Abstract:

This project aims to gain a greater understanding of the current state of women’s land rights in Kisumu County, Kenya. It will discuss how current interventions are impacting women’s empowerment and their ability to negotiate safe sex. Property rights can provide women with a secure place to live, a place of economic activity and reduces dependence on men. Property ownership can also serve to empower women and “give them greater bargaining power at the household, individual, and community level...increasing agency” (Dworkin,2009). Unfortunately, men have almost always been favored in land rights in traditional land allocation and in customary law. In 2010, Kenya’s new constitution, article 60, eliminates gender discrimination in law, customs, and practices related to land. Since this, little research has evaluated the relationship between land rights and female empowerment in a Kenyan context. Through the Kenya Demographic Health survey data I was able to formulate semi-constructed interviews, and a questionnaire to analyze the impact land rights has on women’s empowerment. Empowerment was measured on a 0-1 scale based off a set of indicators drawn from the World Bank (Malhotra et al., 2002). Regardless of the clear legal standards now in place, gender-biased public attitude and limited utilization of legal services still lead to women systematically being denied their rights to land. This project utilizes Fundamental Cause Theory to describe how interventions that involve the community through legal training and education on human rights can help support women’s land claims and lead to empowering women in their own sexual, and nonsexual, health going forward.

Topics: Gender, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Health, Reproductive Health, Rights, Reproductive Rights, Land Rights, Property Rights Regions: Africa, East Africa Countries: Kenya

Year: 2019

Gendering the ‘Post-Conflict’ Narrative in Northern Ireland’s Peace Process

Citation:

Gilmartin, Niall. 2019. "Gendering the ‘Post-Conflict’ Narrative in Northern Ireland’s Peace Process." Capital & Class 43 (1): 89-104. 

Author: Niall Gilmartin

Abstract:

The Good Friday Agreement negotiations gave a unique opportunity for the insertion of women’s rights and equal formal representation in the new post-conflict Northern Ireland. Notwithstanding the robust and unambiguous commitments in the text of the agreement, the primary architects of the peace process, however, situated gender and women’s position as peripheral to the main priorities of ‘guns and government’. While conventional forms of peacebuilding claim to be beneficial for all, evidence from the so-called ‘post-conflict’ period around the world demonstrates a continuity of violence for many women, as well as new forms of violence. This article explores the position of women in Northern Ireland today across a number of issues, including formal politics, community activism, domestic violence and reproductive rights. By doing so, it continues feminist endeavours seeking to problematise the ‘post-conflict’ narrative by gendering peace and security. While the Good Friday Agreement did undoubtedly provide the potential for a new era of gender relations, 20 years on Northern Irish society exhibits all the trademarks and insidious characteristics of a patriarchal society that has yet to undergo a genuine transformation in gender relations. The article argues that the consistent privileging of masculinity and the dominance of male power is a commonality that remains uninterrupted by the peace process.

Keywords: gender, Northern Ireland, peace, post-conflict, security

Topics: Domestic Violence, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Masculinity/ies, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Peace and Security, Post-Conflict, Political Participation, Peace Processes, Rights, Reproductive Rights, Women's Rights, Violence Regions: Europe, Western Europe Countries: United Kingdom

Year: 2019

Armed Conflict and Maternal Health Care Utilization: Evidence from the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria

Citation:

Chukwuma, Adanna, and Uche Eseosa Ekhator-Mobayode. 2019. "Armed Conflict and Maternal Health Care Utilization: Evidence from the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria." Social Science & Medicine 226: 104-12.

Authors: Adanna Chukwuma, Uche Eseosa Ekhator-Mobayode

Abstract:

Retention in maternal health care is essential to decreasing preventable mortality. By reducing access to care, armed conflicts such as the Boko Haram Insurgency (BHI), contribute to the high maternal mortality rates in Nigeria. While there is a rich literature describing the mechanisms through which conflict affects health care access, studies that estimate the impact of conflict on maternal health care use are sparse and report mixed findings. In this study, we examine the impact of the BHI on maternal care access in Nigeria. We spatially match 52,675 birth records from the Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) with attack locations in the Armed Conflict Location and Event Dataset (ACLED). We define BH conflict area as NDHS clusters with at least five attacks within 3000, 5000 and 10,000 m of BH activity during the study period and employ difference-in-differences methods to examine the effect of the BHI on antenatal care visits, delivery at the health center and delivery by a skilled professional. We find that the BHI reduced the probability of any antenatal care visits, delivery at a health center, and delivery by a skilled health professional. The negative effects of the BHI on maternal health care access extended beyond the Northeastern region, that is the current focus of humanitarian programs. Systematic efforts to identify and address the mechanisms underlying reductions in maternal health care use due to the BHI, and to target the affected populations, are essential to improving maternal health in Nigeria.

Keywords: Nigeria, conflict, maternal health, access, violence, terrorism, health care use

Topics: Armed Conflict, Conflict, Gender, Women, Health, Reproductive Health, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Rights, Reproductive Rights, Terrorism Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Nigeria

Year: 2019

Forced Pregnancy versus Forcible Impregnation: A Critical Analysis of Genocidal Rape during War/Armed Conflict.

Citation:

Banwell, Stacy Louise. 2019. "Forced Pregnancy versus Forcible Impregnation: A Critical Analysis of Genocidal Rape during War/Armed Conflict." Paper presented at the 75th American Society of Criminology Annual Meeting, San Francisco, November 13-16.

Author: Stacy Louise Banwell

Abstract:

Forced pregnancy and forcible impregnation are contested terms in relation to genocidal rape. The International Criminal Court (ICC), for example, defines forced pregnancy as ‘the unlawful confinement of a woman forcibly made pregnant, with the intent of affecting the ethnic composition of any population’ (Rome Statute of the ICC, 2011). Whereas, The Holy See suggests that the Statute need only criminalize the act of forcibly making a woman pregnant and not the subsequent act of forcibly keeping her pregnant. Thus, they suggest the term forcible impregnation rather than forced pregnancy (Grey, 2017). This paper unpacks the implications of the ICC’s definition of forced pregnancy in relation to the rape and sexual slavery of Yazidi women in Iraq and Syria. Evidence suggest that ISIS engaged in a genocidal campaign against the Yazidis. Many women and girls were forcibly impregnated, resulting in unwanted pregnancies (Genocide Network, 2017; Human Rights Council, 2016). However, forced impregnation (as defined by the ICC) cannot be applied to this case. Drawing on Grey’s (2017) notion of ‘reproductive violence’ - violence that violates reproductive autonomy - I review international criminal law and the reproductive justice available to women and girls raped and impregnated by ISIS.

Keywords: law, rape

Topics: Ethnicity, Gender, Women, Girls, Genocide, Health, Reproductive Health, International Law, International Criminal Law, Rights, Reproductive Rights, Sexual Violence, Rape, SV against Women Regions: MENA, Asia, Middle East Countries: Iraq, Syria

Year: 2019

Women, War, and Reproductive Health in Developing Countries

Citation:

Pillai, Vijayan, Ya-Chien Wang, and Arati Maleku. 2017. "Women, War, and Reproductive Health in Developing Countries." Social Work in Health Care 56 (1): 28-44. 

Authors: Vijayan Pillai, Ya-Chien Wang, Arati Maleku

Abstract:

Globally, millions of people are affected by war and conflicts every year. However, women have increasingly suffered the greatest harm by war in more different ways than men. We conceptualize a reproductive rights approach toward examining the effects of war on women’s reproductive health in developing countries. Given the rising concerns of exclusion to adequately address women’s rights, sexual and gender-based violence, and post-conflict accountability, we specifically focus on the limitations of the Minimum Initial Service Package, a UN-sponsored reproductive health service program in conflict zones while offering a broad reproductive rights-based conceptual lens for examining reproductive health care services in war-torn areas. In addition, we discuss the roles social workers may play at both micro and macro levels in war-torn areas to bring about both short term and long term gains in women’s reproductive health.

Keywords: developing countries, reproductive health, war and conflict

Topics: Armed Conflict, Conflict, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, Health, Reproductive Health, Post-Conflict, Rights, Reproductive Rights, Women's Rights, Sexual Violence, SV against Women

Year: 2017

Gender in Human Rights and Transitional Justice

Citation:

Lahai, John Idris, and Khanyisela Moyo, ed. 2018. Gender in Human Rights and Transitional Justice. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.

Authors: John Idriss Lahai, Khanyisela Moyo

Annotation:

Summary:
This volume counters one-sided dominant discursive representations of gender in human rights and transitional justice, and women’s place in the transformations of neoliberal human rights, and contributes a more balanced examination of how transitional justice and human rights institutions, and political institutions impact the lives and experiences of women. Using a multidisciplinary approach, the contributors to this volume theorize and historicize the place of women’s rights (and gender), situating it within contemporary country-specific political, legal, socio-cultural and global contexts. Chapters examine the progress and challenges facing women (and women’s groups) in transitioning countries: from Peru to Argentina, from Kenya to Sierra Leone, and from Bosnia to Sri Lanka, in a variety of contexts, attending especially to the relationships between local and global forces. (Summary from Palgrave Macmillan)
 
Table of Contents:
1. Gender in Human Rights and Transitional Justice
 
2. Feminism during Social and Political Repression in Egypt: Making or Breaking Resistance Through Legal Activism
 
3. Power, Prejudice and Transitional Constitution-Making In Kenya: The Gender of Law and Religious Politics in Reproductive Choice
 
4. Civil Society and the Regulation of Laws Against Gender Violence in Timor-Leste
 
5. Addressing Violence Against Women Through Legislative Reform In States Transitioning From The Arab Spring
 
6. Human Rights Frameworks and Women’s Rights In Post-Transitional Justice Sierra Leone
 
7. Engendering Justice: The Promotion of Women in Post-Conflict and Post-Transitional Criminal Justice Institutions
 
8. Justice and Reparations Policies in Peru and Argentine: Towards The De-legitimization of Sexual Violence
 
9. Women Between War Scylla and Nationalist Charybdis: Legal Interpretations of Sexual Violence in Countries of Former Yugoslavia

Topics: Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gendered Discourses, Gender-Based Violence, Governance, Post-Conflict Governance, Justice, Transitional Justice, Post-Conflict, Rights, Reproductive Rights, Human Rights, Women's Rights, Sexual Violence Regions: Africa, MENA, East Africa, North Africa, West Africa, Americas, South America, Asia, Middle East, Europe, Balkans, Oceania Countries: Argentina, Egypt, Kenya, Peru, Sierra Leone, Timor-Leste, Yugoslavia (former)

Year: 2018

Can Abortion Rights Be Integrated into the Women, Peace and Security Agenda?

Citation:

Thomson, Jennifer, and Claire Pierson. 2018. "Can Abortion Rights Be Integrated into the Women, Peace and Security Agenda?" International Feminist Journal of Politics 20 (3): 350-65. 

Authors: Jennifer Thomson, Claire Pierson

Abstract:

Reproductive rights are an under-theorised aspect of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, most clearly typified in United Nations Security Council resolution (UNSCR) 1325 and successive resolutions. Yet reproductive rights are central to women’s security, health and human rights. Although they feature in the 2015 Global Study on 1325, there is less reference to reproductive rights, and to abortion specifically, in the suite of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions themselves, nor in the National Action Plans (NAPs, policy documents created by individual countries to outline their implementation plans for 1325). Through content analysis of all resolutions and NAPs produced to date, this article asks where abortion is in the WPS agenda. It argues that the growing centrality of the WPS agenda to women’s rights in transitioning societies means that a lack of focus on abortion will marginalize the topic and stifle the development of liberal legalization.

Keywords: abortion, UNSCR 1325, WPS agenda, reproductive rights, CEDAW

Topics: Conflict, Gender, Women, Health, Post-Conflict, Rights, Reproductive Rights, Women's Rights, UN Security Council Resolutions on WPS, UNSCR 1325

Year: 2018

Pages

© 2020 CONSORTIUM ON GENDER, SECURITY & HUMAN RIGHTSLEGAL STATEMENT All photographs used on this site, and any materials posted on it, are the property of their respective owners, and are used by permission. Photographs: The images used on the site may not be downloaded, used, or reproduced in any way without the permission of the owner of the image. Materials: Visitors to the site are welcome to peruse the materials posted for their own research or for educational purposes. These materials, whether the property of the Consortium or of another, may only be reproduced with the permission of the owner of the material. This website contains copyrighted materials. The Consortium believes that any use of copyrighted material on this site is both permissive and in accordance with the Fair Use doctrine of 17 U.S.C. § 107. If, however, you believe that your intellectual property rights have been violated, please contact the Consortium at info@genderandsecurity.org.

Subscribe to RSS - Reproductive Rights