Post-Conflict Reconstruction

Peacebuilding and Reconstruction with Women: Reflections on Afghanistan, Iraq and Palestine

Citation:

Moghadam, Valentine. 2005. “Peacebuilding and Reconstruction with Women: Reflections on Afghanistan, Iraq and Palestine.” Development 48 (3): 63-72.

Author: Valentine Moghadam

Abstract:

Valentine M. Moghadam looks at feminist insights into violence, conflict, peacebuilding, and women's rights, as well as developments in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Palestine, to make the case for the involvement of women and the integration of gender into all phases of conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction and governance.

Keywords: womens rights, conflict resolution, post-conflict governance, post-conflict reconstruction

Topics: Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Governance, Post-Conflict Governance, Peacebuilding, Peace Processes, Political Participation, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Rights, Women's Rights, Security, Violence Regions: MENA, Asia, Middle East, South Asia Countries: Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine / Occupied Palestinian Territories

Year: 2005

If Not Now, When? Addressing Gender-Based Violence in Refugee, Internally Displaced, and Post-Conflict Settings: A Global Overview

Citation:

Ward, Jeanne. 2002. If Not Now, When? Addressing Gender-Based Violence in Refugee, Internally Displaced, and Post-Conflict Settings: A Global Overview. New York: The Reproductive Health for Refugees Consortium.  

Author: Jeanne Ward

Keywords: gender violence, refugee, displacement, post-conflict, human trafficking

Annotation:

This report addresses gender-based violence (GBV) in refugee, internally displaced, and post-conflict settings through twelve country profiles: three each for Africa, Asia, Europe, and Latin America. The profiles include background information, GBV issues, GBV-related programming, and recommendations. The report focuses almost exclusively on violence against women and girls, and human trafficking is one of the main issues discussed. 

Topics: Displacement & Migration, IDPs, Refugees, Refugee/IDP Camps, Gender, Women, Girls, Gender-Based Violence, Health, Reproductive Health, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Sexual Violence, SV against Women, Trafficking, Human Trafficking, Violence Regions: Africa, Central Africa, East Africa, West Africa, Americas, Central America, South America, Asia, Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia, Europe, Balkans, Eastern Europe, South Caucasus, Oceania Countries: Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Colombia, Congo-Brazzaville, Guatemala, Kosovo, Nicaragua, Pakistan, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Thailand, Timor-Leste

Year: 2002

Strategies for Change: Women & Politics in Eritrea & South Africa

Citation:

Connell, Dan. 1998. "Strategies for Change: Women & Politics in Eritrea & South Africa." Review of African Political Economy 25: 189-206.

Author: Dan Connell

Abstract:

This article examines the position of women in the process of democratisation in Eritrea and South Africa. It examines the difficulties in translating declared government and policy document support for gender issues into implemented strategy. It does so by tracing the position of women in the different movements, the problems which women have confronted in political and economic reconstruction and the political struggles which women have engaged in to ensure that gender issues remain at the core of democratic politics.

Keywords: autonomy, democracy, nation-building, post-conflict, reconstruction, women's organizations

Topics: Democracy / Democratization, Gender, Women, Governance, Post-Conflict Governance, Political Participation, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Rights, Women's Rights Regions: Africa, East Africa, Southern Africa Countries: Eritrea, South Africa

Year: 1998

Seeking Gender Justice in Post-Conflict Transitions: Towards a Transformative Women's Human Right's Approach

Citation:

Reilly, Niamh. 2007. "Seeking Gender Justice in Post-Conflict Transitions: Towards a Transformative Women's Human Right's Approach." International Journal of Law in Context 3 (2): 155-72.

Author: Niamh Reilly

Abstract:

This article critically examines the prospects for achieving a comprehensive vision of gender justice in post-conflict transitional contexts.  It is divided into three main sections. The first reviews the gendered limits of mainstream approaches to transitional justice and highlights gender biases in related dominant discourses, which shape how conflict, and transitions from conflict, are understood and enacted to the detriment of women.  The second focuses on the benefits and limitations of engendering wartime criminal justice with particular reference to the International Criminal Court.  The third considers the prospects for a more comprehensive approach to gender justice that shifts the emphasis from ‘women as victims’ of conflict to women as agents of transformation, through an examination of the significance of Security Council Resolution 1325.  Ultimately, the author argues that achieving gender justice in transitions is inextricably tied to wider bottom-up efforts by women’s movements to realize a comprehensive vision of women’s human rights within a framework of critically-interpreted, universal, indivisible human rights.

Keywords: post-conflict transition, transitional justice, gender biases

Annotation:

  • In her article, Reilly examines the extent to which feminists engage with international law in order to achieve their ends. She focuses on two instances of feminist engagement with international law in post-conflict situations; the first is the initiative to incorporate gender-sensitive provisions into the procedures of the International Criminal Court, and the second is the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1325. She concludes that the incorporation of gender-based policies into post-conflict reconstruction is intrinsic to the successful realization of women’s rights worldwide.

  • As she assesses “the gendered limits of traditional approaches to transitional justice,” (7), Reilly explains that because of the changing nature of conflict (with more contemporary wars being internal and involving non-state actors than previously), gender has only recently come to the forefront of discussion surrounding conflict and reconstruction. She writes that political transitions provide unique potential for countries to incorporate gender into their legal and political systems, particularly through feminist engagement with international law.  In her sub-section “Contesting gender bias in dominant discourses,” Reilly writes that the innate gender inequalities in the public and private spheres are particularly apparent in times of transition. While women play critical roles in peace initiatives, they are oftentimes excluded from positions of political power thereafter.

  • The second section of Reilly’s paper focuses on violence against women in times of conflict and post-conflict. Crimes committed against women during wartime have only recently begun to receive international attention, as more women are routinely making efforts to mainstream gender into the ICC and dismantle entrenched gender biases. Sexual violence in wartime has largely been dismissed as an inevitable reality; however, women’s movements that emerged in the 1990s have mobilized around the issue and called attention to its importance. She highlights the need to “shift the focus from women as victims of war to women as agents of change in transitions” (23), using international law as a tool to facilitate this shift in roles.

  • In section three, entitled “Women’s participation and gender equality in transitions” (24), Reilly notes that transitions oftentimes open up a window of opportunity for improvements in gender justice. She writes that feminist peace-building entails efforts for gender equality in the domestic sphere, such as the treatment of economic inequalities, which disproportionately affect women. Reilly cites SCR 1325 as an example of the way in which international law can be used to aid women in their struggle for gender equality in times of post-conflict transition. Resolution 1325, which calls for “the increased representation of women at all decision-making levels” (28), marks an important step for the transnational women’s movement; however, its successful implementation remains minimal. Because women’s economic and social equally may be a necessary precursor to their equal political participation, the traditional culture of many states prevent the concrete realization of SCR 1325.

  • In her conclusion, Reilly recaps her assessment of feminist engagement with the ICC and the adoption of SCR 1325. She argues that the efforts to expose war crimes against women are part of a larger effort for gender equality on the global scale. The “gender biases”—a term that she uses to characterize the male-centric models of democracy that govern many states—prevent women from making their voices heard in the post-conflict reconstruction process. Moreover, these gender biases result in the disregard for social and economic inequalities, which disproportionately disadvantage women in conflict and post-conflict periods.

Topics: Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, International Law, International Criminal Law, Justice, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Rights, Human Rights, Women's Rights, UN Security Council Resolutions on WPS, UNSCR 1325

Year: 2007

Women and Post-Conflict Society in Sierra-Leone

Citation:

McFerson, Hazel. 2011. "Women and Post-Conflict Society in Sierra-Leone." Journal of International Women’s Studies 12 (4): 127-147.

Author: Hazel McFerson

Abstract:

Gender inequality in Sierra Leone, after colonialism among the worst in Sub-Saharan Africa, has been heightened further by the civil war of 1992-2002—which was related in part to the struggle for control of "blood diamonds" but also to long-standing social and regional disparities, and to the collapse of formal institutions and widespread corruption. Sierra Leonean women are today among the most marginalized in the world, socially, economically and politically. However, there are differences among three groups: the better educated, comparatively richer "Krios" (descendants of the original freed slaves); relatively enlightened tribes; and the more traditional patriarchal tribes. The main route to improving the status of Sierra Leonean women is political empowerment. Some progress has been made since the civil war, post-conflict reconstruction programs and donor pressure are also opening up new opportunities for women progress, and there are hopes of significant electoral gains for women in the 2012 elections, inspired by the promising developments in neighboring post-conflict Liberia (which in 2005 elected Africa‘s first female president).  However, sustainable advancement depends on alliances whereby the better-educated urban women exert pressure for solving concrete problems of poorer women in exchange for their political support. Although such alliances are difficult, new grassroots women organizations have achieved positive initial results, which can be consolidated and expanded by appropriate partnership with international women NGOs.

Keywords: gender and development, post-conflict reconstruction, African women

Annotation:

McFerson begins her article with a summary of Sierra Leone’s history, explaining that the country gained its independence in 1961 and is now a constitutional republic. She explains that the country was ravaged by a civil war, which lasted from 1992-2002 and was fueled by competition over natural resources. In the following section, “Ethnicity and society,” McFerson presents the demographics of modern-day Sierra Leone, explaining that “the social structure in the country is in general both patriarchal and patrilineal” (35). Even in the post-colonial era, Sierra Leone has retained its chiefdom governance structure, which the British instituted. While these chiefs have historically repressed women, their increasing difficulty in maintaining control over the state may lead to their cooperation with women’s groups, which would afford women greater levels of political representation.

While the entire country suffers from extreme poverty, poverty levels are highest among Sierra Leonean women, women’s levels of education and literacy are drastically lower than those of men, and because of this lack of literacy, it is difficult for women to enter the official workforce.  Women in Sierra Leone also face extreme health hazards, particularly in childbirth, due to lack of medical resources and facilities. Barriers to women’s health are exacerbated by the traditional beliefs and practices, such as female genital mutilation, which afflicts the majority of Sierra Leonean women and is condoned by the country’s government.

The nation’s traditional, patiarchal culture is the primary reason for the subordinate status of women in Sierra Leone. While Sierra Leone’s Penal Code technically prohibits polygamy, it is allowed in customary marriages. Inheritance, divorce, and citizenship laws also favor men, denying women the economic rights of their male counterparts, and forced marriage is prevalent in Sierra Leonean society. Another issue confronting women in Sierra Leone is their limited property rights. Despite the gender bills passed in 2007, which strove to eradicate gender-based discrimination in ownership of land and inheritance, women still need the consent of their husbands in order to manage her property.  Widows continue to face inequality in their rights to own property; whereas a widower is entitled to the entirety of his deceased wife’s property, a widow may only obtain a portion of her husband’s property. While international institutions, such as the African Development Bank and the World Bank, have promoted economic land rights for women, these laws have not been enforced by the government of Sierra Leone and other African countries.

In her section, “The impact of the civil conflict on women and girls,” McFerson focuses on the 1992-2002 civil war in Sierra Leone, writing that it most directly affected the country’s women and girls, as they were routinely raped and kidnapped as sex slaves during the war. Resultantly, many of the women in Sierra Leone today are suffering from medical issues (due to unrelenting sexual abuse) in addition to social ostracization. The raping of women continues to be prevalent in Sierra Leone even in the post-conflict period, and domestic violence has become ingrained in the nation’s culture.

McFerson concludes her article by assessing the prospects for improving the status of women in Sierra Leone, arguing that the only path to gender equality is women’s political empowerment. While the laws granting women rights (i.e. Security Council Resolution 1325 and the 1995 Charter by the African Commission on Human Rights) have already been written, they much be instituted by the country’s government. She alludes to positive prospects for women’s empowerment, enforced by the 30% quota for women in political office; however, Sierra Leone is still lacking the unity of women’s movements necessary to propel efforts toward gender equality forward. Alliances must be forged between the educated, elite Krio women and other urban women in order to genuinely promote women’s rights. Ultimately, Sierra Leonean women’s poor access to international resources poses a barrier to the efficacy of women NGOs; thus international organizations must reach out to women’s initiatives in Sierra Leone to assist them in their effort to make their voices heard.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Civil Wars, Gender, Women, Peace Processes, Political Participation, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Sierra Leone

Year: 2011

Women's Organizations During and After War: From Service Delivery to Policy Advocacy

Citation:

McNulty, Susan. 1998. Women's Organizations During and After War: From Service Delivery to Policy Advocacy. Washington, DC: Center for Development Information and Evaluation, US Agency for International Aid.

Author: Susan McNulty

Abstract:

The recent increase in the number of conflicts and their changing nature has led more women to suffer from and participate in war. Women take up arms to combat oppressive regimes, suffer from rape used as a weapon of war, and adopt new responsibilities due to the absence of men in their homes and communities. Many women form organizations to address their needs, thereby revitalizing civil society. USAID, in an effort to promote post-war reconstruction through service delivery, a politically active civil society, and sustainable democratic reforms, frequently works with women’s organizations that seek to empower and serve those citizens who are among the most vulnerable.

Support for women’s organizations during and after war is derived from two USAID strategic goals: humanitarian assistance and democracy and governance. Support for women’s organizations also relates to USAID’s policy of promoting women in development (WID). According to a 1984 USAID WID policy paper, USAID affirms that “gender roles constitute a key variable in the socio-economic condition of any country and can be decisive in the success or failure of development plans” (Internet WID Policy Paper 1984, 1).

This paper provides background information for a USAID evaluation series assessing the role of women in post-conflict situations. Two central research questions drive this paper. First, what role do women’s organizations play in war-torn societies? Second, how does support for women’s organizations during and after war contribute to USAID’s goals? While more research is needed in order to answer both questions, academic and donor literatures provide some preliminary observations and conclusions.

The paper is organized as follows: 1) a discussion of recent trends of war; 2) a conceptual framework drawn from findings in developing countries and war-torn societies; 3) examples of organizational efforts to address women’s needs during and after conflict; and 4) a discussion of how support for women’s organizations fits into USAID’s Strategic Framework. A bibliography and an annex of terms that are frequently used in this paper follow the conclusion.

Annotation:

  • Four groups of war-affected women most vulnerable during post-conflict discussions: refugees, internally displaced persons, female heads of households, and ex-combatants. The role of women’s organizations in developing countries: self-help or service provision, empowerment, democratization.

  • Women’s organizations serve several functions in democratization processes: strengthening grassroots organizational capacity and the democratic culture at the microlevel during war or after the war, instigating a transition to peaceful democracy, providing a means of collective action to advocate for women’s rights during and after war, increasing women’s participation in political process.

  • However, women’s organizations face a number of challenges in conflictive societies...women have little time for political activism due to their double and triple duties; women suffer from the lack of financial and political experiences; premier democratic institutions are predominately male dominated; women’s organizations tend to seek distance from the state thereby limiting their involvement; and differences among women make it hard to set a broad agenda.

  • Women’s involvement in peace efforts tends to be located at the grassroots. Women’s peace activism does not always translate into involvement in peace negotiations or women’s formal inclusion in the transition process.

 

Topics: Civil Society, Combatants, Female Combatants, Development, Displacement & Migration, Economies, Governance, Post-Conflict Governance, Humanitarian Assistance, International Organizations, NGOs, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Rights, Women's Rights

Year: 1998

Gender, Conflict and Displacement: Contesting 'Infantilisation' of Forced Migrant Women

Citation:

Manchanda, Rita. 2004. "Gender, Conflict and Displacement: Contesting 'Infantilisation' of Forced Migrant Women." Economic and Political Weekly 39 (37): 4179-4186.

Author: Rita Manchanda

Abstract:

The experience of the refugee or the internally displaced person is one that is fundamentally disenfranchising. While women and children make up a majority of the forcibly displaced, international humanitarian discourses confer on them a presumed passivity that is naturalised in practice. Systems of care and protection even in UNHCR camps remain largely gender insensitive especially in south Asia where national laws reinforce gender discrimination. This paper uses a gender sensitive perspective, analysing the way a woman as a refugee subject is configured as a non-person so as to gain fresh insights on the 'infantilisation' and 'de-maturation' of the refugee experience. Moreover, it raises questions on the secondary status women occupy as citizens in south Asian polities.

Keywords: conflict, female refugees, migrant

Topics: Displacement & Migration, Forced Migration, IDPs, Refugees, Refugee/IDP Camps, Economies, Gender, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Regions: Asia, South Asia

Year: 2004

Securitization and Desecuritization: Female Soldiers and the Reconstruction of Women in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone

Citation:

Mackenzie, Megan. 2009. "Securitization and Desecuritization: Female Soldiers and the Reconstruction of Women in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone." Security Studies 18 (2): 241-61.

Author: Megan Mackenzie

Abstract:

This article focuses on the construction of "soldier" and "victim" by post-conflict programs in Sierra Leone. Focusing on the absence of individual testimonies and interviews that inform representations of women and girls post-conflict, this article demonstrates that the ideal of the female war victim has limited the ways in which female combatants are addressed by disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs in Sierra Leone. It is argued that titles given to female soldiers such as "females associated with the war," "dependents," or "camp followers" reveal the reluctance of reintegration agencies to identify females who participated in war as soldiers. In addition, I argue that men and masculinity are securitized post-conflict while women—even when they act in highly securitized roles such as soldiers—are desecuritized and, in effect, de-emphasized in post-conflict policy making. The impact of this categorization has been that the reintegration process for men has been securitized, or emphasized as an essential element of the transition from war to peace. In contrast, the reintegration process for females has been deemed a social concern and has been moralized as a return to normal.

Keywords: female combatants, reconstruction, recovery, security, insecurity

Topics: Combatants, Female Combatants, DDR, Gender, Women, Masculinity/ies, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Sierra Leone

Year: 2009

Aftermath: Women's Organizations in Post-conflict El Salvador

Citation:

Luciak, Ilja A., Stephen Lynn, Serena Cosgrove, and Kelly Ready. 2000. "Aftermath: Women's Organizations in Post-conflict El Salvador." Working Paper 309, Center for Development Information and Evaluation, U.S. Agency for International Development, Washington, DC.

Authors: IIja A. Luciak, Stephen Lynn, Serena Cosgrove, Kelly Ready

Keywords: post-conflict, women's organizations, recovery, reconstruction, governance

Topics: Armed Conflict, Gender, Women, Governance, NGOs, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Rights, Women's Rights Regions: Americas, Central America Countries: El Salvador

Year: 2000

Population Issues and the Situation of Women in Post-conflict Guatemala

Citation:

Loughna, Sean, and Gema Vicente. 1997. Population Issues and the Situation of Women in Post-Conflict Guatemala. Geneva: International Labour Office.

Authors: Sean Loughna, Gema Vicente

Topics: Displacement & Migration, Gender, Women, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Regions: Americas, Central America Countries: Guatemala

Year: 1997

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