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Post-conflict Governance

Care and Punishment in Latin America: The Gendered Neoliberalization of the Chilean State

Citation:

Schild, Veronica. 2013. “Care and Punishment in Latin America: The Gendered Neoliberalization of the Chilean State.” In Neoliberalism, Interrupted: Social Change and Contested Governance in Contemporary Latin America. Stanford. CA: Stanford University Press. 

Author: Veronica Schild

Topics: Gender, Women, Governance, Post-conflict Governance Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Chile

Year: 2013

Context and Media Frames: The Case of Liberia

Citation:

Adams, Melinda. 2016. “Context and Media Frames: The Case of Liberia.” Politics & Gender 12 (2): 275–95. 

Author: Melinda Adams

Abstract:

There is a growing body of work examining gender stereotypes in media representations of female candidates, but much of this literature is based on analysis of media sources in developed countries, including the United States (Braden 1996; Jalalzai 2006; Kahn 1994, 1996; Smith 1997), Australia (Kittilson and Fridkin 2008), Canada (Kittilson and Fridkin 2008), France (Murray 2010b), and Germany (Wiliarty 2010). The increase in female presidential candidates and presidents in Latin America has encouraged research on media portrayals of women in Argentina, Chile, and Venezuela (Franceschet and Thomas 2010; Hinojosa 2010; Piscopo 2010; Thomas and Adams 2010). To date, however, there has been little research exploring media representations of female politicians in Africa. (Exceptions include Adams 2010; Anderson, Diabah, and hMensah 2011). A question that emerges is whether the gender stereotypes common in coverage in the United States, Europe, and Latin America are also prevalent in Africa.

Topics: Women, Gender Roles, Gender Analysis, Elections, Post-conflict Governance Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Liberia

Year: 2016

Women's Movements and Constitution Making after Civil Unrest and Conflict in Africa: The Cases of Kenya and Somalia

Citation:

Tripp, Aili Mari. 2016. “Women’s Movements and Constitution Making after Civil Unrest and Conflict in Africa: The Cases of Kenya and Somalia.” Politics & Gender 12 (01): 78–106. doi:10.1017/S1743923X16000015.

Author: Aili Mari Tripp

Abstract:

As numerous conflicts have come to an end in Africa over the past two decades, women's movements have sought to advance a women's rights agenda through peace accords; through constitutional, legislative, and electoral reforms; as well as through the introduction of gender quotas. This article focuses the impact women's movements have had in shaping constitutions after periods of turmoil, particularly in areas of equality, customary law, antidiscrimination, violence against women, quotas, and citizenship rights. It demonstrates how countries that have come out of major civil conflict and violent upheaval in Africa after the mid-1990s—but especially after 2000—have made more constitutional changes with respect to women's rights than other African countries. The second part of the article provides two examples of how women's movements influenced constitutional changes pertaining to gender equality as well as the difficulties they encountered, particularly with respect to the international community.

Topics: Civil Society, Women, Gender Equality/Inequality, Constitutions, Quotas, Post-conflict Governance, Post-Conflict, Women's Rights, Violence Regions: Africa, East Africa Countries: Kenya, Somalia

Year: 2016

Legislative Power and Women's Representation

Citation:

Schwindt-Bayer, Leslie, and Peverill Squire. 2014. “Legislative Power and Women’s Representation.” Politics & Gender 10 (04): 622–58. doi:10.1017/S1743923X14000440.

Authors: Leslie Schwindt-Bayer, Peverill Squire

Abstract:

Women's representation in national legislatures varies widely around the world. In 2012, only Rwanda and Andorra had achieved parity in women's representation in the national parliament, with 56% of the Rwandan Chamber of Deputies being female and exactly half the Andorran General Council represented by each sex. In many other countries, women still have little representation in the national legislature, despite being almost 50% of the population. A large body of research has emerged to try to explain the wide variation across countries, with most of it focusing on cultural, socioeconomic, and electoral explanations (e.g., McDonagh 2002; Norris 1985; Reynolds 1999; Rule 1987; Tripp and Kang 2008). Recent scholarship, however, has suggested that the legislature itself is a gendered institution that marginalizes women and argues for greater attention to understanding exactly how legislative institutions affect women's representation (Beckwith 2005; Chappell 2006; 2010; Duerst-Lahti and Kelly 1995; Hawkesworth 2003; 2005; Krook and Mackay 2011; Schwindt-Bayer 2010).

Topics: Gender, Women, Governance, Post-conflict Governance, Political Participation Regions: Africa, Central Africa, East Africa, Europe, Western Europe Countries: Andorra, Rwanda

Year: 2014

A Seat at the Table—Is it Enough? Gender, Multiparty Negotiations, and Institutional Design in South Africa and Northern Ireland

Citation:

Waylen, Georgina. 2014. “A Seat at the Table—Is It Enough? Gender, Multiparty Negotiations, and Institutional Design in South Africa and Northern Ireland.” Politics & Gender 10 (4): 495–523. 

Author: Georgina Waylen

Abstract:

Women actors and gender concerns have often been absent from the negotiated settlements that bring an end to violent conflicts and create new political institutions. And although scholars and activists argue that both women actors and gender concerns should be incorporated, there is less consensus about how this can happen effectively. Taking up Jane Mansbridge's (2014, 11) recent call for political scientists to analyze “negotiations to agreement” and the institutions that facilitate negotiations, this paper argues that analyzing not only the involvement of women and gender actors and their outcomes, but also the form and structure of the negotiations themselves, will give us a greater understanding of how these processes are gendered. Through a comparative analysis of two negotiated settlements—in South Africa and Northern Ireland—this paper examines how institutional design processes were gendered and the impact that gender actors (understood here as actors organizing around gender interests) had on these “new” institutions/structures. In each case, women, organized as women, attempted to influence from the inside the creation of new institutional frameworks intended to end long-standing conflicts. (Cambridge University Press) 
 

Topics: Gender, Women, Gender Roles, Conflict, Governance, Post-conflict Governance, Peacebuilding, Peace Processes, Political Participation, Post-Conflict Regions: Africa, Southern Africa, Europe, Western Europe Countries: Ireland, South Africa

Year: 2014

Gender Mainstreaming and the Institutionalization of the Women’s Movement in South Korea

Citation:

Kim, Seung-kyung, and Kyounghee Kim. 2011. “Gender Mainstreaming and the Institutionalization of the Women’s Movement in South Korea.” Women’s Studies International Forum 34 (5): 390–400. doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2011.05.004.

Authors: Seung-kyung Kim, Kyounghee Kim

Abstract:

This article examines the relationship between the women's movement and the government over the two women-friendly administrations in South Korea (1997–2007), a period marked by flourishing civil society activism and participatory democracy. As the Korean government transformed from a military dictatorship to a participatory democracy, the women's movement became increasingly involved in policy making and formulating legal changes. By the end of 2007, the Korean government had established or rewritten numerous far-reaching laws in order to rectify gender inequality. However, many feminist activists and scholars are asking whether the very success of Korean gender policy resulted in the institutionalization and demobilization of the women's movement. This study will focus on the dynamics of cooperation, tension, and conflict between feminist organizations and formal politics in order to analyze the trajectory of institutionalization during the ten-year period of women-friendly administrations.

Topics: Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gender Mainstreaming, Gendered Discourses, Governance, Post-conflict Governance, Political Participation, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Regions: Asia, East Asia Countries: South Korea

Year: 2011

Conceptions of Female Political Representation - Perspectives of Rwandan Female Representatives

Citation:

Coffé, Hilde. 2012. “Conceptions of Female Political Representation - Perspectives of Rwandan Female Representatives.” Women’s Studies International Forum 35 (4): 286–97. doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2012.05.004.

Author: Hilde Coffé

Abstract:

An increasing amount of research has investigated the number of female representatives in national Parliaments (descriptive representation) and the effect on both policy output (substantive representation) and women's political participation and trust (symbolic representation). Little research exists, however, on how female representatives themselves think about female political representation and no study has empirically investigated their conceptions of female political representation. Using Q methodology, this explorative one case study investigates the conceptions of female political representation held by female representatives in the Rwandan Parliament, which is the most gender-equal Parliament in the world. On the basis of our analysis, three groups of female representatives emerged, each with a unique conception of female political representation: female representatives focusing on (a) symbolic and descriptive representations; (b) symbolic representation and power; and (c) substantive representation. These conceptions matter because they are crucial to our understanding of female representatives' actual behavior.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Ethnic/Communal Wars, Gender, Women, Gender Balance, Gendered Power Relations, Governance, Quotas, Post-conflict Governance, Political Participation, Post-Conflict Regions: Africa, Central Africa, East Africa Countries: Rwanda

Year: 2012

Can Women Break Through? Women in Municipalities: Lebanon in Comparative Perspective

Citation:

Sbaity Kassem, Fatima. 2012. “Can Women Break Through? Women in Municipalities: Lebanon in Comparative Perspective.” Women’s Studies International Forum 35 (4): 233–55. doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2012.04.002.

Author: Fatima Sbaity Kassem

Abstract:

Gender inequality is a pervasive global phenomenon, particularly in the political sphere. Previous scholarship sought explanations for the low female representation in countries' development levels, political regimes and/or electoral systems. Some scholars searched for answers within societies' religious and cultural value systems or political culture. These arguments, singularly or combined, can explain the pattern and predict broadly female representation across countries of different income levels and political systems. However, they overlook observed variations in middle-income countries and cannot explain the presence of overachievers and underachievers. They also fail to explain variations within societies of the same religious family, or across political parties within the same country. Previous explanations do not fully account for observed variations in women's political participation, which begs for additional explanation, one that examines the primary institutional vehicles for individual advancement in the political world – political parties – and highlights the factors that determine parties’ support for women's leadership and nomination to public office.

My work on women in politics departs from prior scholarship in that it explains variations in women's leadership and nomination to public office by looking at party-level variation in religiosity across countries and political parties. Parties are the main vehicles for recruiting, selecting, and promoting women. They are gatekeepers for nominating them to public office. However, different parties offer women different opportunities. For instance, most of the five Nordic countries have social democratic parties with high shares of female legislators, indicating the important role they play in advancing women and nominating them to public office. Thus, not only do parties offer a plausible explanation for variations in female representation, but also in providing an answer to why are some parties superior to others in advancing women's political career.

Party variation in religiosity is the missing link in this body of research. I have argued elsewhere that as party religiosity increases, women's leadership falls within parties’ internal decision-making bodies. Party religiosity, as distinct from individual religiosity, is the extent to which religious goals penetrate political platforms. The qualitative and quantitative findings of in-depth research conducted in Lebanon, as a focused single country case-study, are robust and support the theory of party variation in religiosity and women's leadership. Further, in a separate and additional cross-national quantitative study using multiple cases, the theory is found to travel, hence allowing for generalizations and predictions. It is tested on 330 parties across 26 countries in the three continents of Asia, Africa and Europe: 13 Arab countries, seven non-Arab Muslim-majority countries, and five European countries with Christian democratic parties plus Israel, the only Jewish state in the world.1 This permitted studying the influence of three world religions (Islam, Christianity and Judaism) on women's political leadership.

In this article, I take the extra mile and extend the theory of party variation in religiosity from women's leadership within parties’ inner structures to the logical ‘outcome’ of nominating women for public office. I move the research beyond the institutional party-level to the national and local levels of analyses and explore religiosity as the main explanatory variable for female party nominations to parliaments and municipalities. Other party-level characteristics of import to women's nominations include democratic practices and pluralism in membership.  The main research question posed in this paper is whether municipalities – compared to parliaments – constitute a breakthrough for women in politics. Lebanon serves as a useful a case-study with its multiparty system. A single country case-study makes it possible to investigate variations in female nominations within a controlled socio-political environment, while holding constant the potential influence of the political regime and electoral system. Nonetheless, the findings of field research in Lebanon support the focus on party religiosity as an explanatory variable for female nominations. It also reveals quite different dynamics governing female nominations for municipal as opposed to parliamentary elections. These findings point to a potential breakthrough for women seeking a career in politics.

This article is organized in three sections with an introduction, summary and concluding remarks. The introductory part covers the theoretical background motivating the main research question and lays out the variables and hypotheses to be tested. Section A examines patterns of female candidacy for parliaments. Section B focuses on women in municipalities in comparative perspective to parliaments. In Section C, I estimate a regression model for female nominations to parliaments and another one for municipalities. The findings support the theory of party variation in religiosity to explain variations in female nominations for municipalities. However, it is not borne out for parliaments. The concluding remarks highlight the main findings and provide supporting evidence that municipalities may very well constitute a breakthrough for women, if they choose a career in politics. Thus, responding positively to the main research question that this article poses: “Women in municipalities: Can women break through?”

Topics: Gender, Women, Gender Balance, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Governance, Post-conflict Governance, Political Participation, Religion Regions: MENA, Asia, Middle East Countries: Lebanon

Year: 2012

Gendered Nationalism and Palestinian Citizenship: Reconceptualizing the Role of Women in State Building

Citation:

Jacoby, Tami Amanda. 1996. “Gendered Nationalism and Palestinian Citizenship: Reconceptualizing the Role of Women in State Building.” YCISS Working Paper No. 18.

Author: Tami Amanda Jacoby

Topics: Armed Conflict, Citizenship, Gender, Women, Governance, Post-conflict Governance Regions: MENA, Asia, Middle East Countries: Palestine / Occupied Palestinian Territories

Year: 1996

Luanda's Post-War Land Markets: Reducing Poverty by Promoting Inclusion

Citation:

Cain, Allan. 2013. Luanda's Post-War Land Markets: Reducing Poverty by Promoting Inclusion. Urban Forum 24 (1) (03): 11-31.

Author: Cain Allan

Abstract:

Almost 40 years of war in Angola forced millions of people fleeing rural areas to seek a safe haven in the capital and to settle in informal slum settlements ( musseques) on the periphery of Luanda. The new urban migrants created homes and settlements on landthat they purchased in good faith but for which they could get no legal title. Now, they face eviction threats due to commercial interests and government infrastructure expansion. With a population today approaching of over six million, Luanda is Africa's fastest growing and fifth largest city. A decade of post-war rapid economic growth, fuelled by rising commodity prices, has seen GDP per capita grow eightfold, but poverty reduction has not kept apace. The poor, representing over 50 % of the population, have benefited little from the 'peace dividend'. The Angolan Government has promised to build one million homes country-wide before the 2012 elections and aims to eliminate much of the musseque in the process. However, the government's urban plans remain hindered by a weak administration and little national implementation capacity. Despite the government's assertion as the unique owner and manager of all land, there exists a thriving real-estate market for both formal (titled) and informally occupied land. Most urban residents with weak or non-existent tenure rights benefit little from increasing land values and are susceptible to being forcibly removed and increasingly obliged to occupy environmentally risky flood-prone areas. This paper presents the results of work on property markets in Luanda that permit a better understanding of the nature and economic value of land and identify the problems and potentials the market has to offer. The paper argues for a major reform in public land policy, recognising the legitimacy of common practices inland acquisition and long-term occupation in good faith. Inclusive land management, adapting to both formal and existing informal markets, can contribute to the improvement of urban settlement conditions and economic wellbeing of the poor in post-war Luanda.

Keywords: Angola, land markets, post-conflict, slum, urban, tenure

Topics: Armed Conflict, Development, Economies, Governance, Post-conflict Governance, Infrastructure, Peace Processes, Post-Conflict, Religion, Rights, Property Rights Regions: Africa, Southern Africa Countries: Angola

Year: 2013

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