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Political Participation

Women’s Status and Carbon Dioxide Emissions: A Quantitative Cross-National Analysis

Citation:

Ergas, Christina, and Richard York. 2012. “Women’s Status and Carbon Dioxide Emissions: A Quantitative Cross-National Analysis.” Social Science Research 41 (4): 965–76.

Authors: Christina Ergas, Richard York

Abstract:

Global climate change is one of the most severe problems facing societies around the world. Very few assessments of the social forces that influence greenhouse gas emissions have examined gender inequality. Empirical research suggests that women are more likely than men to support environmental protection. Various strands of feminist theory suggest that this is due to women’s traditional roles as caregivers, subsistence food producers, water and fuelwood collectors, and reproducers of human life. Other theorists argue that women’s status and environmental protection are linked because the exploitation of women and the exploitation of nature are interconnected processes. For these theoretical and empirical reasons, we hypothesize that in societies with greater gender equality there will be relatively lower impacts on the environment, controlling for other factors. We test this hypothesis using quantitative analysis of cross-national data, focusing on the connection between women’s political status and CO2 emissions per capita. We find that CO2 emissions per capita are lower in nations where women have higher political status, controlling for GDP per capita, urbanization, industrialization, militarization, world-system position, foreign direct investment, the age dependency ratio, and level of democracy. This finding suggests that efforts to improve gender equality around the world may work synergistically with efforts to curtail global climate change and environmental degradation more generally.

Keywords: gender and environment, women's status, carbon dioxide emissions

Topics: Environment, Climate Change, Extractive Industries, Feminisms, Gender, Gender Roles, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Political Participation

Year: 2012

Women’s Representation in the UN Climate Change Negotiations: A Quantitative Analysis of State Delegations, 1995–2011

Citation:

Kruse, Johannes. 2014. “Women’s Representation in the UN Climate Change Negotiations: A Quantitative Analysis of State Delegations, 1995–2011.” International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics 14 (4): 349–70. 

Author: Johannes Kruse

Abstract:

This paper examines which factors influence women’s descriptive representation in state delegations to the international climate change negotiations. Due to the gendered nature of climate change as an issue, it is important to study the representation of women in the negotiations and to examine its normative and functional implications. Theoretically, I propose to look at institutional, socioeconomic, and cultural factors as potential explanations for the variation in the proportion of women in state delegations across countries. I examine this variation by drawing on a dataset containing all member state delegations to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change negotiations from 1995 to 2011. The theoretical arguments are then tested on these data using a fractional probit model. This is the first comparative study of women’s descriptive representation in international environmental negotiations. It contributes to our under- standing of the variation in women’s representation both over time and across countries. In particular, I find that women’s representation is higher in countries that enjoy a higher level of development and a higher degree of political gender equality. The effects of other institutional and socioeconomic factors such as the level of democracy or gender-equal development remain statistically insignificant. Cultural factors measured by regional proxies show that Eastern Europe and Latin America are positively and the Middle East negatively linked with women’s descriptive representation in delegations.

Keywords: UNFCCC, climate change, women, gender, representation, negotiations, state delegations

Topics: Environment, Climate Change, Gender, Women, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Governance, International Organizations, Political Participation

Year: 2014

Feminism in Foreign Policy

Citation:

Williams, Kristen P. 2017. "Feminism in Foreign Policy." Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. https://oxfordre.com/politics/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-368. 

Author: Kristen P. Williams

Keywords: women, gender, gender gap, foreign policy, feminism, legislatures, executives, representation, intersectionality

Annotation:

Summary: 
The traditional/mainstream international relations (IR) study of foreign policy has primarily focused on state behavior in the international system, examining factors such as the influence of decision-makers’ attitudes and beliefs, regime type, domestic political actors, civil society, norms, culture, and so forth on foreign policy. Much of this research has neglected to address women and gender in the context of studying foreign policy actors, decisions, and outcomes. Given that women are increasingly gaining access to the political process in terms of both formal government positions and informal political activism, and recognition by the international community of women’s roles in peace and war, feminist international relations (IR) scholars have challenged the assumptions and research focus of mainstream IR, including the study of foreign policy. Feminist international relations (IR) scholars have shown that countries with greater gender equality have foreign policies that are less belligerent. How do we account for foreign policies that are explicitly focused on women’s empowerment and gender equality? The main questions motivating the research on feminism in foreign policy are as follows. Is there a gender gap between men and women in terms of foreign policy? If so, what explains the gender gap? Research shows that the evidence is mixed—for example, men and women often agree on foreign policy goals and objectives, but sometimes differ on what actions to take to achieve those goals, primarily whether to use force.
 
In considering where the women are in foreign policy, scholars examine women’s representation and participation in government, as gender equality is related to women’s representation and participation. While an increasing number of women have entered formal politics, whether as heads of state/government, cabinet and ministerial positions, and ambassadorships, for example, women remain underrepresented. The question also arises as to whether and how women’s participation and representation (descriptive and substantive representation) impact foreign policy. Does increased women’s participation and representation lead to a foreign policy focused on “women’s issues” and gender equality? Is a critical mass of women necessary for policies that promote gender equality and women’s empowerment? Finally, what does it mean to have a feminist foreign policy? (Summary from original source) 

Topics: Feminisms, Gender, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, intersectionality, Governance, Political Participation

Year: 2017

Reimagining Peacemaking: Women’s Roles in Peace Processes

Citation:

O’Reilly, Marie, Andrea Ó Súilleabháin, and Thania Paffenholz. 2015. Reimagining Peacemaking: Women’s Roles in Peace Processes. New York: International Peace Institute.

Authors: Marie O'Reilly, Andrea Ó Súilleabháin, Thania Paffenholz

Annotation:

Summary: 
"Peace processes increasingly go beyond outlining cease-fires and dividing territory to incorporate elements that lay the foundations for peace and shape the structures of society. Yet by and large the participants who decide the former continue to decide the latter; the inclusion of others—those who did not take up arms, those who were working for peace, or significant portions of the population whose priorities for a peaceful society may differ— has not kept pace. 
 
"This report focuses on one such group: women. Between 1992 and 2011, just 2 percent of chief mediators and 9 percent of negotiators in peace processes were women” (O’Reilly et al. 2015, 1).

Topics: Gender, Women, peace and security, Post-conflict Governance, Peacebuilding, Peace Processes, Political Participation, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction

Year: 2015

Women and Peace Processes

Citation:

de Alwis, Malathi, Julie Mertus, and Tazreena Sajjad. 2013. “Women and Peace Processes.” In Women and Wars, edited by Carol Cohn, 169–93. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Authors: Malathi de Alwis, Julie Mertis, Tazreena Sajjad

Abstract:

Because delegates to the 1998 peace talks in Northern Ireland were chosen through public elections, Monica McWilliams, a Catholic feminist academic from South Belfast, and Pearl Sagar, a Protestant social worker from East Belfast, formed the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition (NIWC) to lobby political parties to include women in their candidate lists. When ignored, they decided to form their own political party and contest the elections. The NIWC only received 1.03 percent of the popular vote but it managed to secure two seats (out of 110) under the quota set aside for minority parties. McWilliams and Sagar were thus able to participate in multi-party negotiations resulting in the intergovernmental Good Friday Agreement which devolved legislative powers to the Northern Ireland National Assembly and brought about a significant de-escalation of violence.
 
During the peace talks in Somalia in 2000, participation was restricted to Somalia’s five clans. As clans were traditionally represented only by men, Somali women found themselves closed out of the negotiations. A cross-clan group of women peace activists, led by Asha Haji Elmi, declared themselves to be representatives of a “sixth clan,” the clan of women, and camped outside the location of the talks, demanding that they be allowed to participate in the formal peace process. They were eventually accepted as participants, and negotiated, among other measures, a gender quota for Transitional Federal Parliament seats and the establishment of a Women’s Ministry. The National Charter they helped draft is considered the best in the region.

Topics: Gender, conflict, Governance, Quotas, Peace Processes, Political Participation, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction

Year: 2013

Getting On or Getting By? Women, Social Capital and Political Participation

Citation:

Lowndes, Vivien. 2004. “Getting On or Getting By? Women, Social Capital and Political Participation.” The British Journal of Politics and International Relations 6 (1): 45–64.

Author: Vivien Lowndes

Abstract:

This article considers the utility of the concept of social capital in explaining differences in patterns of political participation among women and men, with particular reference to local politics and governance in Britain. It investigates whether women have access to the same quantity of social capital as men, whether their social capital is of the same type, and whether they use their social capital in the same way as men. Taking forward the ‘capital’ analogy, the article looks at how rich women are, and the extent to which they invest their social capital in political activity. As well as providing new insights into women's political behaviour, the analysis illuminates key issues for the broader social capital debate—regarding the distribution of social capital within communities, and the nature of the link between networks of sociability and patterns of political engagement.

Topics: Gender, Governance, Political Participation Regions: Europe, Northern Europe Countries: United Kingdom

Year: 2004

A Seat at the Table Is Not Enough: Understanding Women’s Substantive Representation in Peace Processes

Citation:

Ellerby, Kara. 2016. “A Seat at the Table Is Not Enough: Understanding Women’s Substantive Representation in Peace Processes.” Peacebuilding 4 (2): 136–50.

Author: Kara Ellerby

Abstract:

While the international community stresses the importance of including women at the peace table so peace processes will better represent their needs and interests, it is unclear what specifically this inclusion entails. Do women need to be negotiators, mediators? Do peace agreements adequately represent women’s interests when women are included? This article engages UNSC Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security as a framework through which to assess peace processes and agreements. A woman-focused examination of all civil war peace processes reveals that less than 10% meet women’s inclusion as envisioned in UNSCR 1325. This article focuses on the three conditions accounting for women’s substantive representation in peacebuilding. What emerges are three joint necessities: an explicit women’s agenda; access to the peace process; and advocacy within the process. The final sections problematise how even in all of these positive cases women had to fight to participate.

Keywords: women, gender, representation, UNSCR 1325, peacebuilding, stakeholders

Topics: Gender, Women, peace and security, International Organizations, Peacebuilding, Peace Processes, Political Participation, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, UN Security Council Resolutions on WPS, UNSCR 1325

Year: 2016

Inclusive Security and Peaceful Societies: Exploring the Evidence

Citation:

O’Reilly, Marie. 2016. “Inclusive Security and Peaceful Societies: Exploring the Evidence.” Prism : A Journal of the Center for Complex Operatioton 6 (1): 20–33.

Author: Marie O'Reilly

Annotation:

Summary: 
"The full impact of women's participation on peace and security outcomes remains poorly understood. But a recent increase in quantitative and qualitative research has the potential to transform the status quo. In outlining the existing data, this article shows how women's inclusion helps prevent conflict, create peace, and sustain security after war ends" (O'Reilly 2016, 21-2). 

Topics: Conflict Prevention, Development, Gender, Women, conflict, peace and security, Post-conflict Governance, Peacebuilding, Peace Processes, Political Participation, Post-Conflict, Security

Year: 2016

Securing the 'Gender Legitimacy' of the UN Security Council: Prising Gender from Its Historical Moorings

Citation:

Otto, Dianne. 2004. “Securing the 'Gender Legitimacy' of the UN Security Council: Prising Gender from Its Historical Moorings.” Legal Studies Research Paper 92, Faculty of Law, The University of Melbourne, Melbourne.

Author: Dianne Otto

Abstract:

Recent feminist efforts to engage with the UN Security Council might well be dismissed as a futile attempt to employ the master's tools to dismantle the master's house. That these efforts have born fruit, was evidenced by the Council's unanimous adoption of Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in October 2000. Since its adoption, the Resolution has been the focus of continuing engagement between women's peace advocates and the Council. 
 
The Resolution can be understood as one of a range of measures adopted by the Council in an effort to tackle its legitimacy deficit; specifically, its gender legitimacy. While the Resolution's promotion of the increased involvement of women in decision-making opens the possibility of clawing back some of the ground lost to military ways of thinking, and legitimating emancipatory understandings of peace based on gender equality and social justice, it also runs the risk of lending a renewed legitimacy to the old ways of getting things done, just as women's participation in the colonial civilizing mission helped to make imperialism possible.  
 
The examples of Afghanistan and East Timor, reveal that there has been slow but measured progress towards increasing the participation of women in formal decision-making processes, and that the progress that has been made has depended in large part on the extensive mobilization of local and trans-national women's peace networks. At the same time, most Afghan and East Timorese women were unaffected by the increased formal participation of women, as they faced heightened levels of gendered violence and economic insecurity. This experience confirms the need use the Resolution to move beyond issues of participation, important as they are, to changing the militarized and imperial gender stereotypes that have played such a central role in maintaining militarism and the secondary status of women. Only then will the Council's deficit in gender legitimacy be reversed in an emancipatory way. (Abstract from Social Sciences Research Network) 

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Feminisms, Gender, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, peace and security, International Organizations, Militarism, Political Participation, Security, UN Security Council Resolutions on WPS, UNSCR 1325 Regions: Asia, South Asia, Oceania Countries: Afghanistan, Timor-Leste

Year: 2004

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