Nationalism

Citation:

Johnson, Penny, and Eileen Kuttab. 2001. “Where Have All the Women (and Men) Gone? Reflections on Gender and the Second Palestinian Intifada.” Feminist Review, no. 69, 21–43. doi:10.1080/014177800110070102.

Authors: Penny Johnson, Eileen Kuttab

Abstract:

The authors ground their reflections on gender and the complex realities of the second Palestinian intifada against Israeli occupation in the political processes unleashed by the signing of the Israeli–Palestinian rule, noting that the profound inequalities between Israel and Palestine during the interim period produced inequalities among Palestinians. The apartheid logic of the Oslo period – made explicit in Israel's policies of separation, seige and confinement of the Palestinian population during the intifada and before it – is shown to shape the forms, sites and levels of resistance which are highly restricted by gender and age. In addition, the authors argue that the Palestinian Authority and leadership have solved the contradictions and crisis of Palestinian nationalism in this period through a form of rule that the authors term 'authoritarian populism', that tends to disallow democractic politics and participation. The seeming absence of women and civil society from the highly unequal and violent confrontations is contrasted with the first Palestinian intifada (1987–91), that occurred in a context of more than a decade of democratic activism and the growth of mass-based organizations, including the Palestinian women's movement. The authors explore three linked crises in gender roles emerging from the conditions of the second intifada: a crisis in masculinity, a crisis in paternity and a crisis in maternity.

Keywords: national liberation, nationalism, military occupation, maternity, masculinity

Topics: Age, Armed Conflict, Occupation, Civil Society, Democracy / Democratization, Gender, Masculinity/ies, Gender Roles, Governance, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militarism, Nationalism, NGOs Regions: MENA, Asia, Middle East Countries: Israel, Palestine / Occupied Palestinian Territories

Year: 2001

Citation:

Racioppi, Linda, and Katherine O'Sullivan See. 2000. "Ulstermen and Loyalist Ladies on Parade: Gendering Unionism in Northern Ireland." International Feminist Journal of Politics 2 (1): 1-29.

Authors: Linda Racioppi, Katherine O'Sullivan See

Abstract:

This article explores parades as central institutions in the construction and maintenance of unionist ethno-gender identities and a crucial part of politics in Northern Ireland. It presents a brief historical review of the origins of Protestant marches and the organizations which are key to sustaining this tradition. It then analyses the contemporary marches, including the highly contested Portadown parade and the tranquil ll-Ireland demonstration, held in Rossnowlagh in the Republic. These overwhelmingly male events are important to the maintenance of the gender order of unionism. The parades reveal the subordinated femininity within unionism: women participate in small numbers by invitation only. At the same time, they reveal competing masculinities: traditional, 'respectable' unionist masculinity is challenged by the more virile loyalism of 'Billy boy' and 'kick the pope' bands and marchers. This analysis explains why these competing masculinities are central, not only to the maintenance of male hegemony, but also to the ethno-national politics of parading, helping to set the boundaries of accommodation with nationalists and the state.

Keywords: ethnic conflict, Gender, nationalism, Northern Ireland, parades, women

Topics: Ethnicity, Gender, Masculinity/ies, Femininity/ies, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Hierarchies, Governance, Nationalism Regions: Europe, Western Europe Countries: Ireland

Year: 2000

Citation:

Bacchetta, Paola. 2010. “The (Failed) Production of Hindu Nationalized Space in Ahmedabad, Gujarat.” Gender, Place & Culture: A Journal of Feminist Geography 17 (5): 551-72.

Author: Paola Bacchetta

Abstract:

This article addresses the attempt by India's most extensive Hindu nationalist organization, the RSS, and its women's wing, the Samiti, to Hindu nationalize the city of Ahmedabad, Gujarat. It makes two inter-related arguments. It argues that notwithstanding long-term, intense Hindu nationalist efforts to Hindu nationalize the city space and its subjects, the project has been and remains a failure. The heterogeneity of the city-space and its subjects infinitely exceeds such homogenizing moves. It also suggests that while Hindu nationalists claim that religious difference is key, gender and sexuality are inseparably crucial to their constructions, violations and eliminations of subjects, architectural structures and territorialities across scale. In a first section this article addresses the RSS's and Samiti's grids of intelligibility: their categories (especially of space, gender, sexuality and subjects), logics and prescriptions for conduct. A second section focuses on RSS and Samiti practices to transform the city, envisaging these in relation to the organizations' grids of intelligibility. They include: daily paramilitary training, periodic economic boycotts against Muslims and exceptional massive anti-Muslim violence including genocidal pogroms. The article concludes with remarks about the links between Hindu nationalist discourse and practice, the failures of Hindu nationalization, and resistant agentic and non-agentic counter-transformations of the city. The author draws from three types of primary sources: RSS and Samiti publications; the publications of groups against Hindu nationalism; and notes from multiple periods of fieldwork in Ahmedabad from 1987 to 2008.

Topics: Gender, Women, Nationalism, Religion, Violence Regions: Asia, South Asia Countries: India

Year: 2010

Citation:

O’Keefe, Theresa. 2003. “Trading Aprons for Arms: Republican Feminist Resistance in the North of Ireland.” Resources for Feminist Research 30 (3): 39-64.

Author: Theresa O’Keefe

Abstract:

This article examines women's feminist resistance under the rubric of nationalism. It challenges the commonly held assumption that participation in nationalist movements is not self-serving for women, that fighting in a national liberation movement is detrimental to women's emancipation. It accounts for the rise of feminist-nationalist organizing in the North of Ireland, & its impact on the most radical element of Irish nationalism–republicanism. It argues that women's participation in the armed struggle empowered republican women to develop & advance a progressive, feminist agenda in conjunction with republicanism. This analysis is primarily based on interviews conducted with former female members of the Irish Republican Army.

Topics: Armed Conflict, National Liberation Wars, Combatants, Female Combatants, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Nationalism Regions: Europe, Northern Europe Countries: United Kingdom

Year: 2003

Citation:

Menon, Kalyani Devaki. 2005. “‘We Will Become Jijabai’: Historical Tales of Hindu Nationalist Women in India.” The Journal of Asian Studies 64 (1): 103-26.

Author: Kalyani Devaki Menon

Topics: Gender, Women, Nationalism, Religion Regions: Asia, South Asia Countries: India

Year: 2005

Citation:

Halperin-Kaddari, Ruth, and Yaacov Yadgar. 2010. “Between Universal Feminism and Particular Nationalism: Politics, Religion and Gender (In)Equality in Israel.” Third World Quarterly 31 (6): 905-20. doi:10.1080/01436597.2010.502721.

Authors: Ruth Halperin-Kaddari, Yaacov Yadgar

Abstract:

This article argues that one of the many ‘idiosyncrasies’ of the Israeli case, namely Israel’s continuing, violent conflict with its Arab neighbours, is of highly influential relevance to the issue of gender relations. Viewed by many Israeli Jews as a struggle for the very existence of the Jewish state, the Arab–Israeli conflict has overshadowed most other civil and social issues, rendering them ‘secondary’ to the primary concern of securing the safe existence of the state. This has pushed such pressing issues as gender equality and women’s rights aside, thus allowing for the perpetuation of discriminatory, sometimes rather repressive treatment of women in Israel. The most blatant expression of this is the turning of the struggle for civil marriage and divorce into a non-issue. Following a short introduction of the relevant political context, we discuss women’s positivist and legal status, then conclude with an analysis of the women’s movement, highlighting the emergence of religious feminism.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Nationalism, Religion, Rights, Women's Rights Regions: MENA, Asia, Middle East Countries: Israel

Year: 2010

Citation:

Jad, Islah. 2011. “Islamist Women of Hamas: Between Feminism and Nationalism.” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 12 (2): 176-201. doi:10.1080/14649373.2011.554647.

Author: Islah Jad

Abstract:

In December, 1995, when Hamas announced the establishment of the Islamic National Salvation Party, a political organisation separate from its military wing, it opened the way for involvement of the Islamic movement in the political processes brought about in the West Bank and Gaza with the signing of the Oslo Accords and the arrival of the Palestinian National Authority. In speaking of the rights of different groups, including women, in its founding statement, and in setting up in Gaza a Women’s Action Department, the new Party opened its doors to the ‘new Islamic woman’ and to a significant evolution in Islamist gender ideology in Gaza, if not in the West Bank – where, due to Hamas’ policy there of targeting only males, there exists no parallel to the Salvation Party or organisational support for women like that represented by the Women’s Action Department in Gaza. Hamas’ gender ideology, like that of the secularist parties, remains contradictory, and doors to women’s equality only partly open; nevertheless, Islamist women have managed to build impressive, well-organised women’s constituencies among highly educated and professional women coming from poor and refugee backgrounds; and the Salvation Party shows an increasing tendency to foster gender equality and more egalitarian social ideals, while holding fast to the agenda of national liberation. These advances have been achieved both through alternative interpretations of Islamic legal and religious texts, and through positive engagement with the discourses of other groups, whether secular feminists or nationalists. In contrast, secularists are losing ground by advocating a discourse of rights in isolation from the national agenda and in the absence of a mobilising organisation. These developments suggest possibilities for mutual accommodation between Islamist and other Palestinian groups. They suggest also that the nature of the state proposed by Islamists will depend to a large extent on the visions and challenges posed by other nationalist and secularist groups.

Topics: Armed Conflict, National Liberation Wars, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Non-State Armed Groups, Nationalism, Political Participation Regions: MENA, Asia, Middle East Countries: Palestine / Occupied Palestinian Territories

Year: 2011

Citation:

Joseph, Suad. 1999. “Women Between Nation and State in Lebanon.” In Between Woman and Nation: Nationalisms, Transnational Feminisms, and the State, edited by Minoo Moallem, Caren Kaplan, and Norma Alarcon, 162-81. Durham: Duke University Press.

Author: Suad Joseph

Topics: Gender, Women, Governance, Nationalism Regions: MENA, Asia, Middle East Countries: Lebanon

Year: 1999

Citation:

Moallem, Minoo. 1999. “Transnationalism, Feminism, and Fundamentalism.” In Between Woman and Nation: Nationalisms, Transnational Feminisms, and the State, edited by Minoo Moallem, Norma Alarcon, and Caren Kaplan, 320-48. Durham: Duke University Press.

Author: Minoo Moallem

Topics: Feminisms, Gender, Women, Nationalism

Year: 1999

Citation:

McDowell, Sara. 2008. “Commemorating Dead ‘Men’: Gendering the Past and Present in Post-conflict Northern Ireland.” Gender, Place and Culture 15 (4): 335-54.

Author: Sara McDowell

Abstract:

War is instrumental in shaping and negotiating gender identities. But what role does peace play in dispelling or affirming the gender order in post-conflict contexts? Building on a burgeoning international literature on representative landscapes and based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Northern Ireland between 2003 and 2006, this article explores the peacetime commemoration of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ in order to explore the nuances of gender. Tellingly, the memorial landscapes cultivated since the inception of the paramilitary ceasefires in 1994 privilege male interpretations of the past (and, therefore, present). Gender parity, despite being enshrined within the 1998 Belfast Agreement which sought to draw a line under almost three decades of ethno-nationalist violence, remains an elusive utopia, as memorials continue to propagate specific roles for men and women in the ‘national project’. As the masculine ideologies of Irish Nationalism/Republicanism and British Unionism/Loyalism inscribe their respective disputant pasts into the streetscape, the narratives of women have been blurred and disrupted, begging the question: what role can they play in the future?

Keywords: Northern Ireland, Gender, conflict, commemoration, nationalism

Topics: Armed Conflict, Ethnic/Communal Wars, Ethnicity, Gender, Women, Men, Gender Roles, Gender Equality/Inequality, Nationalism, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Regions: Europe, Northern Europe Countries: United Kingdom

Year: 2008