Militaries

Between Rhetoric and Reality: Exploring the Impact of Military Humanitarian Intervention upon Sexual Violence – Post-Conflict Sex Trafficking in Kosovo

Citation:

Godec, Samantha T. “Between Rhetoric and Reality: Exploring the Impact of Military Humanitarian Intervention upon Sexual Violence – Post-Conflict Sex Trafficking in Kosovo.” International Review of the Red Cross 92, no. 877 (March 2010): 235–58. doi:10.1017/S1816383110000159.

Author: Samantha T Godec

Abstract:

Adopting a feminist perspective, this paper analyses the doctrine of humanitarian intervention and its impact on women in recipient states, particularly with regard to sexual violence. By analysing the phenomenon of post-conflict trafficking in Kosovo following the NATO intervention, the author presents a challenge to the ‘feminist hawks’ who have called for military intervention in situations of systematic sexual violence. It is the author’s contention that such intervention would be counterproductive for women’s rights and thus constitute a disproportionate response to sexual violence in terms of the international law governing the use of force. 

 

Annotation:

Godec discusses current critiques of militarized humanitarian intervention and delivery of aid, which do not consider women or a gender analysis of women’s post-intervention experience. This article seeks to analyze the impact of militarized humanitarian intervention in relation to sex trafficking & forced prostitution in Kosovo.  Prior to 1999, Kosovo did not have a thriving sex-industry but within months of the troops, NGO’s, and UNMIK personnel arriving due to the conflict with Serbia, brothels were established around the military bases.  Due to this influx of militarized aid deliverers, Kosovo is now a major destination country for trafficking women & children and the author attributes this to:

1.     Sudden presence of military personnel creating immediate demand for sexual services

2.     Post-intervention of Kosovo sustained the demand & fostered an environment where organized criminal network could reap the profits

3.     Disruption of society & economy resulted in increased numbers of women & girls in need of income thereby creating a supply for the sex industry

4.     Failure of the UNMIK to address the problem of trafficking allowed for a culture of impunity to prevail

In addition to a developing sex industry, the greater the military presence the greater gender-based-violence increased in Kosovo. Godec cautions that the same pattern of international presence and the subsequent outcome on women & girls is arising in conflict areas such as: Kuwait, Afghanistan & Iraq.  As a preventative, Godec calls for gender awareness and education to be brought to peacekeepers and the military.  “The key criterion is whether the benefits of the use of force will outweigh the costs.”

Topics: Armed Conflict, Gender, Women, Girls, Gender Analysis, Humanitarian Assistance, International Law, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Militarization, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Sexual Violence, Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, Trafficking, Human Trafficking, Sex Trafficking Regions: Europe, Balkans, Eastern Europe Countries: Kosovo

Year: 2010

Women and State Military Forces

Citation:

Mathers, Jennifer G. 2012. "Women and State Military Forces." In Women and Wars, edited by Carol Cohn, 124-45. Malden, MA: Polity Press.  

Author: Jennifer G. Mathers

Topics: Armed Conflict, Combatants, Female Combatants, Gender, Femininity/ies, Gender Roles, Masculinity/ies, Men, Women, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Militarization, Violence

Year: 2012

Assessing the Korean Military's Gay Sex Ban in the International Context

Citation:

Lee, Alvin. 2010. "Assessing the Korean Military's Gay Sex Ban in the International Context." Law & Sexuality: A Review of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual & Transgender Legal Issues 19: 67-94.

Author: Alvin Lee

Topics: Gender, Men, LGBTQ, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Sexuality Regions: Asia, East Asia Countries: South Korea

Year: 2010

Unit Social Cohesion in the Israeli Military as a Case Study of ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’

Citation:

Kaplan, Danny, and Amir Rosenmann. 2012. “Unit Social Cohesion in the Israeli Military as a Case Study of ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’.” Political Psychology 33 (4): 419-36. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00914.x.

Authors: Danny Kaplan, Amir Rosenmann

Abstract:

U.S. military policy “Don’t Ask Don’t Tell” (DADT) restricted integration of gays in the U.S. military based on the premise that knowledge of gay peers would decrease interpersonal bonds among unit members. Despite the heated debate over DADT, this social cohesion thesis, reflecting the tensions of homosocial desire, has not been tested empirically. The Israeli military provides an operative case-study for this thesis, given its nonexclusionary policy and intensive combat experience. Measures of perceived social cohesion and knowledge of gay peers were obtained from a sample of 417 combat and noncombat male soldiers using an inventory of interpersonal emotions towards unit members. A MANOVA of social cohesion by knowledge of gay peers and combat/ noncombat unit yielded the hypothesized increase in cohesion in combat versus noncombat units. Yet contrary to the DADT premise, knowledge of gay peers did not yield decreased social cohesion. Comparisons with the U.S. military are presented, suggesting in both cases a loose coupling between stated policies and soldiers’ experience on the ground. Implications of these findings for the reassessment of DADT and its repeal are discussed.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Combatants, Gender, LGBTQ, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Sexuality Regions: MENA, Asia, Middle East Countries: Israel

Year: 2012

Contemporary Greek Male Homosexualities: Greek Gay Men's Experiences of the Family, the Military and the LGBT Movement

Citation:

Dendrinos, Panayis. 2008. "Contemporary Greek Male Homosexualities: Greek Gay Men's Experiences of the Family, the Military and the LGBT Movement." PhD thesis, University of Glasgow.

Author: Panayis Dendrinos

Abstract:

This thesis provides an ethnographic analysis of how Greek gay men experience the ways in which their sexuality is subject to ‘negotiation’ in the family and the military, how these ‘negotiations’ influence and sometimes even inhibit the creation of an LGBT movement. The experiences of my ethnographic informants produced little material for generalisations but the diversity of their voices suggests that they are constantly fighting between the desire to belong and the wish to remain different. I argue that the theoretical framework of timi and dropi (honour and shame) can still be a valuable explanatory tool for an understanding of Modern Greek homosexualities. Yet, this thesis offers a critique of this paradigm for its neglect to account for the possible ways in which the sexual contact of the men in a family may occasionally be seen as a threat to the family’s honour. As a result, silence becomes a defence mechanism that many of my gay interlocutors and their families employ to deal with homosexuality. This varied silence often inhibits the sense of pride in the man’s homosexuality and in turn prevents him from joining the movement that would require him to be vocal about his sexual self. The military experiences of my interlocutors, on the other hand, challenge the assumption that the military is a strictly heterosexual space. What they often describe as the ‘homo-social’ environment of the military acted as a catalyst for several of them to come to terms with their homosexuality. The thesis also explores the history of Greek LGBT activism from its inception in 1976 to today and examines the reasons behind its limited success in capturing the hearts and minds of my interlocutors.

Topics: Gender, Men, Households, LGBTQ, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Sexuality Regions: Europe, Southern Europe Countries: Greece

Year: 2008

Patriarchal Confusion? Making Sense of Gay and Lesbian Military Identity

Citation:

Bulmer, Sarah. 2013. "Patriarchal Confusion? Making Sense of Gay and Lesbian Military Identity." International Feminist Journal of Politics 15 (2): 137-156. doi:10.1080/14616742.2012.746565.

Author: Sarah Bulmer

Abstract:

In this article I investigate the possible uses of Cynthia Enloe's idea of ‘patriarchal confusion’ in understanding gay and lesbian military identity. Through an analysis of military discourses surrounding the inclusion of gays and lesbians in the British military since 2000, and using original interview data with serving personnel, I examine the contradictory ways in which queer identity has been incorporated within a military dominated by heteronormative masculinity. By examining conflicting attitudes towards gay and lesbian soldiers' participation in Pride marches, I show how patriarchal understandings of military identity become ‘confused’ by both heterosexual and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender personnel. I argue for a move away from viewing the integration of non-traditional recruits through the dichotomous lens of subversion or co-option, and instead call for an engagement with the ambiguities and confusions that arise from that integration. Reading this confusion through Butler's concept of performativity, I demonstrate how even confused ideas about gender can reproduce patriarchy, and why patriarchy often simultaneously fails to reproduce itself. A performative reading of ‘patriarchal confusion’ therefore indicates the radically contingent character of the reproduction of patriarchal norms in the military and suggests that sites of confusion might be fertile grounds for feminist interventions.

Keywords: military, homosexuality, LGBT, military masculinities, patriarchy

Topics: Gender, Masculinity/ies, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, LGBTQ, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Sexuality

Year: 2013

Homosexuality and the Israel Defense Forces: Did Lifting the Gay Ban Undermine Military Performance?

Citation:

Belkin, Aaron, and Melissa Levitt. 2001. "Homosexuality and the Israel Defense Forces: Did Lifting the Gay Ban Undermine Military Performance?" Armed Forces & Society 27 (4): 541-65.

Authors: Aaron Belkin, Melissa Levitt

Abstract:

In this article we argue that Israel's 1993 decision to lift its gay ban did not influence military performance. Then we assess three arguments raised by experts who claim that Israeli experiences are not relevant for determining what would happen if the U.S. Congress and Pentagon lifted the American gay ban. In particular, we assess the arguments that most gay Israeli combat soldiers do not disclose their sexuality to peers, that some receive special treatment, and that cultural differences distinguish the U.S. and Israeli cases. We agree with each argument, but our interpretation of them differs from experts who believe that Israeli military experiences are irrelevant. While no single case study can show decisively what would happen if the U.S. changed its policy, we suggest that the Israeli experience lends some weight to the claim that American military effectiveness would not decline if known homosexuals were allowed to serve.

Keywords: Israel, homosexuality, sexuality, military

Topics: LGBTQ, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Sexuality Regions: MENA, Asia, Middle East Countries: Israel

Year: 2001

Going to the ‘Men's School'? Non-Heterosexual and Trans Youth Choosing Military Service in Finland

Citation:

Lehtonen, Jukka. 2015. "Going to the ‘Men's School'? Non-Heterosexual and Trans Youth Choosing Military Service in Finland." NORMA 10 (2): 117-35. doi:10.1080/18902138.2015.1050861.

Author: Jukka Lehtonen

Abstract:

Military service is obligatory for those who are legally men in Finland, and the majority of men do their service, although there is the possibility for women to apply for voluntary military service. In this article I analyse the experiences and stories of non-heterosexual men, non-heterosexual women, transfeminine and transmasculine respondents in relation to their military service. My data are from a survey with 1861 responses from trans and non-heterosexual people under 30 years of age. I analyse what kind of significance they give to gender and sexuality in their perceptions of military service. Military service is often seen in their stories as a ‘men’s school’ from which they distance themselves or which they see as a way to prove their masculinity. The four respondent groups reacted differently towards military service in many respects. Their reasons given for deciding to avoid military service included pacifist concerns on the part of some, but concerns relating to gender and sexuality were far more frequent in decisions to avoid military service. The army was often seen as best suited for heterosexual man, and military culture was seen as sexist and homophobic.

Keywords: masculinity, Transgender, non-heterosexual, heteronormativity, military service

Topics: Age, Youth, Gender, Masculinity/ies, LGBTQ, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Sexuality Regions: Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Finland

Year: 2015

Women’s Responses to State Violence in the Niger Delta

Citation:

Ekine, Sokari. 2008. “Women’s Responses to State Violence in the Niger Delta.” Feminist Africa 10: 67–83.

Author: Sokari Ekine

Abstract:

This paper will discuss the ways in which the women of the Niger Delta have responded to acts of violence by the Nigerian State and its allies, the multinational oil companies. I first briefly outline the background to the crises in the Niger Delta and then discuss the responses and resistance of the women.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Civil Wars, Civil Society, Corruption, Democracy / Democratization, Development, Economies, Economic Inequality, Poverty, Environment, Extractive Industries, Gender, Women, Femininity/ies, Gender-Based Violence, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Governance, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Militarism, Multi-National Corporations, Peacebuilding, Post-Conflict, Security, Human Security Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Nigeria

Year: 2008

Twentieth Century Theories on Combat Motivation and Breakdown

Citation:

Wessley, Simon. 2006. “Twentieth Century Theories on Combat Motivation and Breakdown.” Journal of Contemporary History 41 (2): 269-286. 

Author: Simon Wessley

Abstract:

All the combatant nations of the first world war struggled to deal with the problem of large-scale casualties that could not be ascribed to simple physical injury. After a brief flirtation with medical explanations (‘shell-shock’) these were soon realized to be psychological in nature, but not until the end of the war was there much consensus on whether these represented a psychological response to the stressors of industrial warfare, or alternatively a failure of motivation or even masculinity. Simultaneously combat motivation was seen within a moral framework that emphasized duty, patriotism, leadership and character. It was these latter virtues, or lack of them, that gradually came to explain combat breakdown, and not the psychological theories, even if modern narratives tend to overlook this. If a person had sufficient character, leadership and training, breakdown was unlikely even under the harshest conditions. By the end of the second world war, new thinking and research, mainly from the American forces, now downplayed the importance of ideological and personal factors, and instead concluded that the most powerful motivation for combat (as opposed to enlistment) came from the role of the small group — ‘men fight for their buddies’. Breakdown was still seen as the reserve side of combat motivation, most likely when the small group disintegrated, although ultimately even the most robust could succumb after prolonged combat exposure. However, provided that the individual was previously of normal personality, this would be short lived. Long-term illness was still almost entirely attributed to vulnerabilities acquired by inheritance or during childhood. Combat breakdown could also be made chronic by the influence of secondary gain, and so medical labels for combat breakdown were avoided, treatment was by reassurance and return to duty, and compensation was discouraged where possible. It was not until the aftermath of the Vietnam war that views on combat motivation and breakdown began to diverge. As a result of the efforts of American psychiatrists opposed to the Vietnam war a new medical label, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), was introduced in 1980. It was now believed that not just transient, but also chronic, mental disorders could be caused by combat, even in those previously of robust disposition, and that the necessity for a diagnosis and compensation overcame concerns about illness reinforcement and secondary gain. Social explanations for breakdown based on group psychology largely disappeared, to be replaced by a framework based almost entirely on individual responses to trauma, although the role of predisposition quickly needed to be rediscovered. In contrast, the military continue to insist on the importance of small group psychology in explaining motivation to fight, and are distrustful of either ideological or individual explanatory models.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Combatants, Male Combatants, Gender, Men, Masculinity/ies, Gendered Power Relations, Masculinism, Health, Mental Health, PTSD, Trauma, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Post-Conflict

Year: 2006

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