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Economies

Understanding Climate Change through Gender Relations

Citation:

Buckingham, Susan, and Virginie Le Masson. 2019. Understanding Climate Change through Gender Relations. London: Routledge.

Authors: Susan Buckingham, Virginie Le Masson

Annotation:

Summary: 
This book explains how gender, as a power relationship, influences climate change related strategies, and explores the additional pressures that climate change brings to uneven gender relations. It considers the ways in which men and women experience the impacts of these in different economic contexts. The chapters dismantle gender inequality and injustice through a critical appraisal of vulnerability and relative privilege within genders. Part I addresses conceptual frameworks and international themes concerning climate change and gender, and explores emerging ideas concerning the reification of gender relations in climate change policy. Part II offers a wide range of case studies from the Global North and the Global South to illustrate and explain the limitations to gender-blind climate change strategies. This book will be of interest to students, scholars, practitioners and policymakers interested in climate change, environmental science, geography, politics and gender studies. (Summary from Taylor & Francis)
 
Table of Contents:
1. Introduction
Susan Buckingham & Virginie Le Masson
 
2. Moving Beyond Impacts
Sherilyn MacGregor
 
3. Integrating Gender Issues into the Global Climate Change Regime
Karen Morrow
 
4. Gender Justice and Climate Justice
Patricia E. Perkins
 
5. Gender and Urban Climate Change Policy
Gotelind Alber, Kate Cahoon, and Ulrike Röhr
 
6. Natures of Masculinities
Martin Hultman
 
7. The Contribution of Feminist Perspectives to Climate Governance
Annica Kronsell
 
8. Gender, Climate Change and Energy Access in Developing Countries
Javier Mazorra, Julio Lumbreras, Luz Fernández, and Candela de la Sota
 
9. Everyday Life in Rural Bangladesh
Alex Haynes
 
10. Investigating the Gender Inequality and Climate Change Nexus in China
Angela Moriggi
 
11. Revealing the Patriarchal Sides of Climate Change Adaptation through Intersectionality
Noémi Gonda
 
12. Safeguarding Gender in REDD+
Beth A. Bee
 
13. 'Women and Men are Equal so No Need to Develop Different Projects'
Virginie Le Masson
 
14. Co-Housing
Lidewij Tummers
 
15. Integrating Gender and Planning Towards Climate Change Response
Christian Dymén and Richard Langlais
 
16. A Gender-Sensitive Analysis of Spatial Planning Instruments Related to the Management of Natural Hazards in Austria
Britta Fuchs, Doris Damyanovic, Karin Weber, and Florian Reinwald

Topics: Economies, Environment, Climate Change, Gender, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality

Year: 2019

Care Not Growth: Imagining a Subsistence Economy for All

Citation:

Di Chiro, Giovanna. 2019. "Care Not Growth: Imagining a Subsistence Economy for All." The British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21 (2): 303-11. 

Author: Giovanna Di Chiro

Keywords: care work, climate justice, green economy, social reproduction, solidarity economy, subsistence perspective

Annotation:

Summary:
"In this essay, I want to applaud Shue’s long-standing commitment to basic human rights, poverty alleviation, and advocacy of climate justice in his social and environmental policy scholarship. In the spirit of critical solidarity, I also want to probe a bit more into what I perceive to be (1) the assumptions underlying the ‘non-carbon energy system’ prospective scenario, which, I believe, relies too confidently on the rationality and efficacy of the ‘green economy’ and (2) the assumptions underlying a binary opposition between what might be considered a pre-modern, subsistence stage of development, which the privileged have a moral obligation to help others overcome, and the eco-modernist, post-subsistence future, which the green economy’s post-carbon, techno-optimist ambitions appear to promise" (Di Chiro 2019, 303-4).

Topics: Economies, Care Economies, Ecological Economics, Environment, Gender

Year: 2019

What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas

Citation:

Thomson, Jennifer. 2020. “What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas.” International Studies Perspectives.  doi:10.1093/isp/ekz032. 

Author: Jennifer Thomson

Abstract:

ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
Across politics and public discourse, feminism is experiencing a global renaissance. Yet feminist academic work is divided over the burgeoning use of the term, particularly in reference to economic and international development policy. For some, feminism has been co-opted for neoliberal economic ends; for others, it remains a critical force across the globe. This article explores the nascent feminist foreign policies of Sweden and Canada. Employing a discourse analysis of both states’ policy documents, it asks what the term “feminist” meant in preliminary attempts at constructing a feminist foreign policy. It argues that although both use the term “feminist,” they understand the term very differently, with Sweden centering it in domestic and international commitments to change, while Canada places greater emphasis on the private sector. This suggests that this policy agenda is still developing its central concepts, and is thus ripe for intervention on the part of policymakers and civil society organizations.

SPANISH ABSTRACT:
A través de la política y el discurso público, el feminismo está experimentando un renacimiento global. Sin embargo, el trabajo académico feminista está dividido por el uso creciente del término, particularmente en referencia a la política de desarrollo económico e internacional. Para algunos, el feminismo ha sido cooptado para fines económicos neoliberales; para otros, sigue siendo una fuerza fundamental en todo el mundo. Este artículo analiza las incipientes políticas exteriores feministas de Suecia y Canadá. Al emplear un análisis del discurso de los documentos de las políticas de ambos estados, se pregunta qué significaba el término «feminista» en los intentos preliminares de construir una política exterior feminista. Se argumenta que si bien ambos estados usan el término «feminista», entienden el término de manera muy diferente, ya que Suecia se centra en los compromisos nacionales e internacionales de cambio, mientras que Canadá pone un mayor énfasis en el sector privado. Esto sugiere que este proyecto aún está desarrollando sus conceptos centrales; por lo tanto, es propicio para la intervención de los responsables de formular políticas y las organizaciones de la sociedad civil.

FRENCH ABSTRACT:
On assiste actuellement à une renaissance du féminisme dans la politique et le débat public à l’échelle mondiale. Cependant, les spécialistes académiques du féminisme sont divisés sur l'utilisation naissante du terme, notamment en référence à la politique économique et de développement international. Pour certains, le féminisme a été coopté à des fins économiques néolibérales ; pour d'autres, il demeure une force majeure dans le monde. Cet article étudie les politiques étrangères féministes naissantes de la Suède et du Canada. S'appuyant sur une analyse du discours de la politique des deux états, il s'interroge sur le sens entendu du terme « féministe » lors des premières tentatives d’élaboration d'une politique étrangère féministe. Il soutient que, bien que les deux états utilisent le terme « féministe », ils le comprennent de manière très différente : en effet, la Suède place le féminisme au cœur des engagements nationaux et internationaux de changement, tandis que le Canada le situe davantage dans le domaine privé. Cela suggère que cet agenda politique est encore en train de développer ses concepts centraux et que, par conséquent, le moment est venu pour les décideurs politiques et les organisations de la société civile d'intervenir.

Keywords: feminism, feminist theory, foreign policy, feminist foreign policy, sweden, Canada

Topics: Civil Society, Development, Economies, Feminisms, Feminist Foreign Policy Regions: Americas, North America, Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Canada, Sweden

Year: 2020

Cleared for Investment? The Intersections of Transnational Capital, Gender, and Race in the Production of Sexual Violence and Internal Displacement in Colombia's Armed Conflict

Citation:

Sachseder, Julia. 2020. “Cleared for investment? The Intersections of Transnational Capital, Gender, and Race in the Production of Sexual Violence and Internal Displacement in Colombia’s Armed Conflict.” International Feminist Journal of Politics 22 (2): 162-86.

Author: Julia Sachseder

Abstract:

ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
Investigating the nexus of transnational capital, gender, and race, I argue that sexual violence and internal displacement tacitly serve the interest of transnational corporations (TNCs). Drawing on extensive ethnographic research in war-torn regions in Colombia, I elucidate how violence is deeply intertwined in the globalization of neoliberal capitalism and operates by exploiting and instrumentalizing constructions of gender and race that are articulated through colonial legacies and further dehumanize the “Other.” The focus on intersectional power relations advances a critical understanding of the political economy of armed conflict. First, it reveals how local and global (economic) actors are entrenched in exacerbating local forms of domination that produce sexual violence and internal displacement through a particular political economy of masculinity and neoliberal forms of expansion and exploitation. Beyond that, both forms of violence are not only the product of colonial, capitalist, and gendered structures and ideas but also serve to re-entrench these power relations between dominant and subaltern groups. I conceptualize this relationship as the “coloniality of violence.” It constitutes a shared space for violent forms of domination and appropriation that facilitates capital accumulation, and it may further foster a relation of structural oppression in “post-conflict” Colombia.
 
GERMAN ABSTRACT:
Mit Blick auf das Verhältnis von transnationalem Kapital, Geschlecht und “race” wird in diesem Artikel erarbeitet, wie sexuelle Gewalt und innere Vertreibung dem Interesse transnationaler Konzerne dienen. Auf Basis umfassender ethnografischer Forschung in einigen vom Krieg betroffenen Regionen Kolumbiens zeige ich den Zusammenhang zwischen politischer Gewalt und der Globalisierung des neoliberalen Kapitalismus auf. Dieser beutet Konstruktionen von Geschlecht und “race” aus, die im Kolonialismus verankert sind. Der Rückgriff und die Instrumentalisierung dieser (post)kolonialen Zuschreibungen helfen dabei, bestimmte Gruppen in Begriffen “der Anderen” zu kategorisieren und sie weitgehend zu dehumanisieren. Der Fokus auf intersektionale Macht- und Herrschaftsverhältnisse trägt somit zu einem kritischen Verständnis der politischen Ökonomie bewaffneter Konflikte bei. Erstens wird aufgezeigt, wie lokale und globale (ökonomische) Akteure soziale Ungleichheiten verstärken und durch eine spezifische politische Ökonomie von Männlichkeit und neoliberale Formen der Expansion und Ausbeutung sexuelle Gewalt und innerer Vertreibung hervorbringen. Darüber hinaus ist politische Gewalt nicht nur das Produkt kolonialer, kapitalistischer und geschlechtsspezifischer Strukturen und Diskurse sondern dient auch dazu, diese gesellschaftlichen Verhältnisse zwischen dominanten und subalternen Gruppen zu verfestigen. Dieses Verhältnis fasse ich mit dem Begriff der “Kolonialität der Gewalt.” Dieser stellt einen gemeinsamen Raum für gewaltvolle Formen der Beherrschung und Aneignung dar, der Kapitalakkumulation erleichtert und strukturelle Unterdrückung in der sogenannten Nachkriegszeit in Kolumbien forciert.
 
SPANISH ABSTRACT:
En mi investigación sobre la interrelación entre capital transnacional y formas de opresión basadas en concepciones de género y raza argumento que la violencia sexual y el desplazamiento interno sirven implícitamente a los intereses de los grandes grupos transnacionales. Partiendo de una investigación etnográfica integral en regiones afectadas por el conflicto armado en Colombia ilustro de qué manera la violencia está asociada a la globalización del capitalismo neoliberal y explico el mecanismo funcional subyacente que consiste en instrumentalizar y explotar construcciones de género y de raza que se manifiestan a través de históricos vínculos coloniales los cuales contribuyen a deshumanizar al “Otro.” El objetivo consiste en alcanzar una comprensión crítica de la economía política en el marco de un conflicto armado a través de un enfoque centrado en la interseccionalidad de las relaciones de poder. De esta manera se revela el arraigo profundo de las actores (económicos) locales y globales en formas locales de dominio, fenómenos que a su vez contribuyen a exacerbar la violencia sexual y el desplazamiento interno en Colombia por medio de una economía política basada en un determinado concepto de masculinidad y en formas neoliberales de expansión y explotación. Así mismo, ambas formas de violencia no solamente se pueden ver como resultado de determinadas estructuras e ideas coloniales, capitalistas y de género sino que sirven también para consolidar tales relaciones de poder entre grupos dominantes y subalternos. Conceptualizo esta relación cómo “colonialidad de violencia” que a su vez constituye un escenario compartido para formas violentas de dominación y apropiación. Considerada en su conjunto la colonialidad de violencia fomenta la acumulación de capital estimulando de esta manera una relación de opresión estructural y violenta en la Colombia del llamado “posconflicto.”

Keywords: gender, race, transnational capital, sexual violence, Colombian armed conflict

Topics: Armed Conflict, Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Displacement & Migration, IDPs, Economies, Gender, Masculinity/ies, Gendered Power Relations, Intersectionality, Political Economies, Post-Conflict, Race, Sexual Violence, Violence Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2020

Mujeres campesinas, capitalismo e implementación de los Acuerdos de Paz en Dabeiba, Antioquia (Colombia)

Citation:

Franco, Yeny Pino, and Yesica Paola Naranjo. 2018. "Mujeres campesinas, capitalismo e implementación de los Acuerdos de Paz en Dabeiba, Antioquia (Colombia)." Revista Kavilando 10 (1): 112-36. 

Authors: Yeny Pino Franco, Yesica Paola Naranjo

Abstract:

SPANISH ABSTRACT:
El aparato institucional del estado Colombiano está en confrontación con las demandas sociales; al día de hoy se niega a reconocer al campesinado como un grupo con unas condiciones sociales e históricas de discriminación, con una identidad en relación con la tierra y el territorio, históricamente vulnerado tanto por la guerra como por el modelo de desarrollo económico que requiere de medidas especiales para el goce de sus derechos, de igual forma se niegan a reconocer a la mujer campesina y su aporte a la economía nacional como sujeto que tiene unas condiciones de vulnerabilidad, y con grandes afectaciones por el conflicto armado. Por ello, la misma institucionalidad Estado, termina generando, desde su aparato jurídico y político, exclusión, discriminación y violencia hacia el campesinado y más, sobre la mujer campesina.
 
ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
The institutional apparatus of the Colombian State is in confrontation with social demands. Today it refuses to recognize the peasantry as a group with social and historical conditions of discrimination, with an identity in relation to land and territory, which is historically violated by both war and the model of economic development, which requires special measures for the enjoyment of their rights. Likewise, they refuse to recognize the peasant woman and her contribution to the national economy as a subject, who has conditions of vulnerability, and who is highly affected by the armed conflict. Therefore, the same institutionality, the State, ends up generating, from its legal and political apparatus, exclusion, discrimination, and violence toward the peasantry and more, on the peasant woman.

 

Keywords: Mujeres, mujer campesina, Conflicto Armado, acuerdos de paz en Colombia, exclusión y violencia, women, peasant women, armed conflict, peace agreements in Colombia, exclusion, and violence

Topics: Armed Conflict, Class, Economies, Poverty, Gender, Women, Livelihoods, Post-Conflict, Peace Processes, Rights, Violence Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2018

Women's Mobility via Bus Rapid Transit: Experiential Patterns and Challenges in Lahore

Citation:

Malik, Bilal Zia, Zia Ur Rehman, Ammad Hassan Khan, and Waseem Akram. 2020. "Women's Mobility via Bus Rapid Transit: Experiential Patterns and Challenges in Lahore." Journal of Transport & Health 17: 1-18.

Authors: Bilal Zia Malik, Zia Ur Rehman, Ammad Hassan Khan, Waseem Akram

Abstract:

Background: Women in developing countries experience greater restrictions in mass urban mobility. UN’s Sustainability Development Goals for 2030 recommend safe, affordable, accessible, and sustainable public transportation, particularly for the vulnerable groups. Pakistan experiences rapid urbanization trends and considerably low ranking worldwide for gender equality. In addition, socio-cultural norms, higher dependency on public transport, lack of genderresponsive mass transportation, and harassment experiences limit women to explore potential growth opportunities.

Objectives: Since limited evidence exists on the subject, this study aims to investigate typical mobility attributes of women users of Pakistan’s first bus rapid transit (BRT) in Lahore, explore the challenges they face, and recommend measures for improved urban mobility.

Methods: Primary data include face-to-face interview-based questionnaire surveys along the BRT corridor to assess various quantitative and qualitative travel characteristics. Descriptive and cross-comparison statistical techniques were applied to obtain reliable results. Responses related to harassment were documented and evaluated. Graphical trends and pictorial evidences were also presented.

Results: Major segments of the study sample belonged to lower-income, relatively younger and middle age, students, employees and users with no or limited work. More prevalent modes to and from BRT stations were paratransit, including rickshaws and chingchis (motorbikes converted into rickshaws), followed by walking. Majority accessed BRT within 5 km, covered less than 15 km along 27 km BRT corridor, and traveled during daylight. Major challenges were harassment at stations and in buses (younger users being more affected), limited facilities for the elderly, lack of seating/waiting facilities near entrances/exits of BRT stations, limited dedicated space in buses and ticketing booths during rush hours.

Conclusion: The study highlights important typical mobility trends and difficulties of women while using Lahore BRT. Addressing women’s mass urban mobility issues could improve their educational and economic prospects. Findings could be useful for transportation agencies and practitioners to incorporate gender-sensitive measures in future BRT systems, particularly in developing countries. 

Keywords: women's mobility, bus rapid transit, gender equality, developing country

Topics: Economies, Education, Gender, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Infrastructure, Transportation, Urban Planning, Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) Regions: Asia, South Asia Countries: Pakistan

Year: 2020

The Impact of Non-Government Organizations on Women's Mobility in Public Life: An Empirical Study in Rural Bangladesh

Citation:

Nawaz, Faraha. 2020. "The Impact of Non-Government Organizations on Women's Mobility in Public Life: An Empirical Study in Rural Bangladesh." Journal of International Women's Studies 21 (2): 94-113.

Author: Faraha Nawaz

Abstract:

The article aims to analyse the impact of Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) on Bangladeshi rural women’s mobility in the public domain, since this is an area that is generally only frequented by men whilst women are confined to their own home and neighbourhood. In other words, the author explored how and to what extent, NGOs have brought changes to women’s freedom of movement in the public sphere. The author was influenced by the existing literature that portrays Bangladesh as a country that is characterized by poverty, patriarchy and inequality, where there is no tradition of rural women participating in the labour force, and where women’s mobility is severely restricted. In this study, the indicators of women’s mobility were explored that include women’s movement in various public places such as market, medical centre, children’s schools, and cinema. By conducting series of in-depth interviews and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), the author collected primary data from rural women and their husbands through purposive network sampling. Secondary data was collected from the contemporary literature regarding women’s freedom of movement globally in general and Bangladesh in particular. By analysing empirical data, the article confirms that rural women’s participation in microfinance program of NGOs have enhanced their mobility in different ways. However, the women who had education and training had more mobility in public life since those women utilized the benefits of NGO programs more effectively. Surprisingly husband’s education, occupation and exposure have no positive impact on women’s mobility. 

Keywords: women, mobility, education, public life, development NGOs, women's mobility, women in Bangladesh

Topics: Economies, Poverty, Education, Gender, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Gender Equality/Inequality, Households, Livelihoods, NGOs Regions: Asia, South Asia Countries: Bangladesh

Year: 2020

Women and the Economic Miracle: Gender and Work in Postwar Japan

Citation:

Brinton, Mary C. 1994. Women and the Economic Miracle: Gender and Work in Postwar Japan. Berkley: University of California Press.

Author: Mary C. Brinton

Annotation:

Summary:
This lucid, hard-hitting book explores a central paradox of the Japanese economy: the relegation of women to low-paying, dead-end jobs in a workforce that depends on their labor to maintain its status as a world economic leader. Drawing upon historical materials, survey and statistical data, and extensive interviews in Japan, Mary Brinton provides an in-depth and original examination of the role of gender in Japan's phenomenal postwar economic growth.

Brinton finds that the educational system, the workplace, and the family in Japan have shaped the opportunities open to female workers. Women move in and out of the workforce depending on their age and family duties, a great disadvantage in a system that emphasizes seniority and continuous work experience. Brinton situates the vicious cycle that perpetuates traditional gender roles within the concept of human capital development, whereby Japanese society "underinvests" in the capabilities of women. The effects of this underinvestment are reinforced indirectly as women sustain male human capital through unpaid domestic labor and psychological support.

Brinton provides a clear analysis of a society that remains misunderstood, but whose economic transformation has been watched with great interest by the industrialized world. (Summary from Google Books)

Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. Women in the Japanese and U.S. Economies
3. Human Capital Development Systems
4. The Evolution of a Gendered Employment System
5. Gendered Work Lives
6. Gendered Education
7. Conclusion


 

Topics: Age, Development, Economies, Education, Gender, Gender Roles, Households, Livelihoods, Post-Conflict Regions: Asia, East Asia Countries: Japan

Year: 1994

Past Wrongs and Gender Rights: Issues and Conflicts in South Africa's Land Reform

Citation:

Jacobs, Susie. 1998. "Past Wrongs and Gender Rights: Issues and Conflicts in South Africa's Land Reform." European Journal of Development Research 10 (2): 70-87.

Author: Susie Jacobs

Abstract:

South Africa's agrarian situation presents a range of daunting issues, including extreme rural poverty & a government hindered by severe financial constraints. At the same time, the country's attempts to incorporate gender issues into land reform are virtually unique. Discussed here are several major issues confronting the present pilot programs operating in 9 provinces & any future reform: demand for land; demand for services; the issue of "the household"; traditional authorities; forms of land tenure; & the nature of public participation. It is stressed that all of these are gender issues, as is the extent of conflict raised through overt discussion of gender processes. None of these questions has a straightforward answer, but their consideration is likely to raise additional questions.

Topics: Agriculture, Economies, Poverty, Gender, Gender Analysis, Land Tenure, Households, Political Participation, Rights, Land Rights Regions: Africa, Southern Africa Countries: South Africa

Year: 1998

Mujeres Reinsertadas: Postconflicto en la Ciudad de Barranquilla

Citation:

Pichón, Leticia Elena Hundek. 2016. "Mujeres Reinsertadas: Postconflicto en la Ciudad de Barranquilla." Advocatus 14 (27): 65-82. 

Author: Leticia Elena Hundek Pichón

Abstract:

SPANISH ABSTRACT:
La mayoría de las mujeres reinsertadas ingresaron al grupo armado durante la adolescencia, motivadas por factores tanto ideológicos como personales, atraídas por la búsqueda de un nuevo “proyecto de vida”. Si la reinserción a la vida civil fue un proceso traumático para los combatientes en general, para la mujer reinsertada lo fue mucho más si se reconoce la prevalencia de un contexto socio-cultural que mantiene la inequidad de las relaciones de género. Desarmada y desprovista de su rol revolucionario, tiene que competir ahora en un nuevo terreno al parecer menos favorable para su participación política. Las mujeres reinsertadas se ven ahora enfrentadas a un mundo que les sigue siendo hostil, desprovistas de las armas que en el pasado le dieron una dimensión diferente a su rol tradicional y envueltas ahora en la complicada trama de recomponer su vida afectiva, familiar y laboral. Las mujeres reinsertadas dejaron las actividades propias de la insurgencia, para asumir el retorno a una sociedad que aún se nutre de patrimonios culturales ancestrales, patriarcales, discriminatorios y represivos que generalmente limitan a la mujer al desempeño de roles domésticos, sexuales y reproductivos.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
Most of the reinserted women entered the armed group during adolescence, motivated by both ideological and personal factors, attracted by the search for a new “life project”. If reintegration into civilian life was a traumatic process for the combatants in general, it was much more so for the reinserted woman if the prevalence of a socio-cultural context that maintains the inequality of gender relations was recognized. Disarmed and devoid of its revolutionary role, it has now to compete in a new terrain apparently less favorable to its political participation. Reinserted women now face a world that is still hostile to them, deprived of the weapons that in the past gave them a different dimension to their traditional role and are now involved in the complicated plot of recomposing their affective, family and work life. The reinserted women left the activities of the insurgency, to assume the return to a society that still feeds on ancestral, patriarchal, discriminatory and repressive cultural patrimonies that limit women to the performance of domestic, sexual and reproductive roles.

Keywords: mujeres reinsertadas, postconflicto, roles politicos-económicos, relaciones de género, reinserted women, postconflict, political-economic roles, gender relations

Topics: Age, Combatants, Female Combatants, DDR, Economies, Gender, Women, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Gender Equality/Inequality, Livelihoods, Post-Conflict, Political Participation Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2016

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