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Coloniality/Post-Coloniality

Corporatising Sport, Gender and Development: postcolonial IR feminisms, transnational private governance and global corporate social engagement

Citation:

Hayhurst, Lyndsay. 2011. “Corporatising Sport, Gender and Development: Postcolonial IR Feminisms, Transnational Private Governance and Global Corporate Social Engagement.” Third World Quarterly 32 (3): 531–49.

Author: Lyndsay Hayhurst

Abstract:

The ‘Girl Effect’ is a growing but understudied movement that assumes girls are catalysts capable of bringing social and economic change for their families, communities and countries. The evolving discourse associated with this movement holds profound implications for development programmes that focus on girls and use sport and physical activity to promote gender equality, challenge gender norms, and teach confidence and leadership skills. Increasingly sport, gender and development (SGD) interventions are funded and implemented by multinational corporations (MNCs) as part of the mounting portfolio of corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives in international development. Drawing on postcolonial feminist IR theory and recent literature on transnational private governance, this article considers how an MNC headquartered in the global North that funds a SGD programme informed by the ‘Girl Eeffect’ movement in the Two-Thirds World is implicated in the postcolonial contexts in which it operates. Qualitative research methods were used, including interviews with MNC CSR staff members. The findings reveal three themes that speak to the colonial residue within corporate-funded SGD interventions: the power of brand authority; the importance of ‘authentic’ subaltern stories; and the politics of the ‘global’ sisterhood enmeshed in saving ‘distant’ others. The implications of these findings for SGD are discussed in terms of postcolonial feminist approaches to studying sport for development and peace more broadly.

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Development, Feminisms, Gender, Girls, Femininity/ies, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Governance, Multi-national Corporations

Year: 2011

YEARNING FOR LIGHTNESS: Transnational Circuits in the Marketing and Consumption of Skin Lighteners

Citation:

Glenn, Evelyn Nakano. 2008. “Yearning for Lightness: Transnational Circuits in the Marketing and Consumption of Skin Lighteners.” Gender and Society 22 (3): 281–302.

Author: Evelyn Nakano Glenn

Abstract:

With the breakdown of traditional racial boundaries in many areas of the world, the widespread and growing consumption of skin-lightening products testifies to the increasing significance of colorism—social hierarchy based on gradations of skin tone within and between racial/ethnic groups. Light skin operates as a form of symbolic capital, one that is especially critical for women because of the connection between skin tone and attractiveness and desirability. Far from being an outmoded practice or legacy of past colonialism, the use of skin lighteners is growing fastest among young, urban, educated women in the global South. Although global in scope, the skin-lightening market is highly segmented by nation, culture, race, and class. This article examines the "yearning for lightness" and skin-lightening practices in various societies and communities and the role of transnational pharmaceutical and cosmetic corporations in fueling the desire for lighter skin through print, Internet, and television ads that link light skin with modernity, social mobility, and youth.

Keywords: colorism, beauty, skin bleaching, globalism, discrimination

Topics: Class, Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Ethnicity, Gender, Women, Globalization, Multi-national Corporations, Nationalism, Race

Year: 2008

Promises of Peace and Development: Mining and Violence in Guatemala

Citation:

Caxaj, C. Susana, Helene Berman, Jean-Paul Restoule, Colleen Varcoe, and Susan L. Ray. 2013. "Promises of Peace and Development: Mining and Violence in Guatemala." Advances in Nursing Science 36 (3): 213-28.

Authors: C. Susana Caxaj, Helene Berman, Jean-Paul Restoule, Colleen Varcoe, Susan L. Ray

Abstract:

For Indigenous peoples of Guatemala, mining is experienced within a lingering legacy of colonialism and genocide. Here, we discuss macro-level findings of a larger study, examining the lived context of a mining-affected community in Guatemala and barriers that this poses to peace. Using an anticolonial narrative methodology, guided by participatory action research principles, we interviewed 54 participants. Their accounts pointed to intersecting and ongoing forces of poverty, dispossession, gendered oppression, genocide, and global inequity were exacerbated and triggered by local mining operations. This context posed profound threats to community well-being and signals a call to action for nurses and other global actors.
 

Keywords: colonialism, conflict, dispossession, indigenous health, mining, peace, poverty

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Development, Economies, Economic Inequality, Poverty, Ethnicity, Extractive Industries, Gender, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Genocide, Globalization, Health, Households, Livelihoods, Multi-national Corporations, Post-Conflict, Race, Rights, Human Rights, Indigenous Rights, Land Rights, Women's Rights, Violence Regions: Americas, Central America Countries: Guatemala

Year: 2013

Zimbabwe's 'Fast Track' Land Reform: What about Women?

Citation:

Goebel, Allison. 2005. “Zimbabwe’s ‘Fast Track’ Land Reform: What about Women?” Gender, Place & Culture 12 (2): 145–72. doi: 10.1080/09663690500094799.

Author: Allison Goebel

Abstract:

The wave of occupations of commercial farms in Zimbabwe starting in the year 2000 captured worldwide attention. By the end of that year, the government of Zimbabwe initiated the ‘fast track’ land reform process meant to formalize the occupations, and encourage further land appropriation and redistribution. Where are women in this process? The Women and Land Lobby Group (WLLG) was formed in 1998 by Zimbabwean women activists committed to the land issue. Since 1998 they have lobbied government to include women’s interests in the design of land reform, and have made some inroads in improving women’s formal rights to land as stated in policy documents. However, the current ‘fast track’ practices continue to privilege men as primary recipients of resettlement land, and the emerging role of traditional authorities in the land reform process marginalizes women. Other legal provisions that may help women struggle for changes remain weak. The contradiction between customary law, practices and attitudes and modern individual rights represents a complex battleground for women and land in Southern Africa, and calls for new feminist conceptualizations of the state as a vehicle for gender justice.

Topics: Civil Society, Class, Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Displacement & Migration, Forced Migration, Gender, Gender Roles, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Gender Equality/Inequality, Households, International Organizations, Justice, Land grabbing, NGOs, Rights, Land Rights, Women's Rights Regions: Africa, Southern Africa Countries: Zimbabwe

Year: 2005

Onward with the Cordillera Indigenous Women’s Struggle for Liberation, Democracy, and Self-Determination

Citation:

Castro-Palaganas, Erlinda. 2010. “Onward with the Cordillera Indigenous Women’s Struggle for Liberation, Democracy, and Self-Determination.” Signs 35 (3): 550–58.

Author: Erlinda Castro-Palaganas

Abstract:

To the women of the Cordillera region in the Philippines, the present situation is a lingering source of new problems and challenges. The vast natural wealth of the Cordilleras has been the target of state development aggression. This development thrust is anchored to globalization policies such as privatization, deregulation, and liberalization, and the effects have impoverished, not improved, people’s lives. The corporate mining and logging operations arising from the government’s national mineral liberalization program have not only destroyed the environment but violated indigenous people’s rights. To the indigenous peoples ancestral land is not just a home but their survival. The resulting faces of hunger and poverty, militarization, violence, migration, oppression, and displacement, among many other issues, have profoundly affected women’s well being. But on the other hand, these situations have also pushed women to join other sectors to defend their rights and continue their struggle for self‐determination. The history of indigenous women’s activism in the Cordillera shows decades of militant work with nongovernment organizations, support groups, and advocates. Innabuyog, an alliance of women’s organizations in the Cordillera region, has taken on the struggles of the women of the Cordillera and their enduring resistance and fighting spirit to protect their land, life, and resources. The Cordillera women’s collective struggle for liberation, democracy, and self‐determination is and will be a continuing challenge for as long as women’s rights in the Cordillera are violated.

Topics: Civil Society, Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Displacement & Migration, Economies, Poverty, Extractive Industries, Gender, International Organizations, Land grabbing, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militarism, Multi-national Corporations, NGOs, Political Participation, Rights, Human Rights, Indigenous Rights, Land Rights, Property Rights, Women's Rights, Violence Regions: Asia, Southeast Asia Countries: Philippines

Year: 2010

A movement stalled: outcomes of women’s campaign for equalities and inclusion in the Northern Ireland peace process

Citation:

Cockburn, Cynthia. 2013. “A movement stalled: outcomes of women’s campaign for equalities and inclusion in the Northern Ireland peace process.” Interface 5 (1): 151-82.

Author: Cynthia Cockburn

Abstract:

The Good Friday Agreement signed in Belfast in April 1998, and the post-conflict constitution embodied in the ensuing Northern Ireland Act, differed in one important respect from most other peace accords. Thanks to the input of civil society, and particularly of the women’s voluntary, trade union and community sectors, the Agreement was not limited to a settlement between the belligerent parties. It envisioned a transformed society, rid of the inequities of a colonial past and reshaped according to principles of inclusion and human rights. The persuasiveness of this agenda lay in its promise to address the poverty, disadvantage and exclusion afflicting the working class of both Catholic and Protestant communities. This article draws on a re-interviewing in 2012 of feminist activists with whom the author engaged in a major project in the 1990s. It evaluates the extent to which the principles and policies for which their movement struggled have been enacted in Northern Ireland governance in the intervening decade and a half.

Keywords: post-conflict, civil society, women, human rights, working class, Catholic, Protestant, feminist activists

Topics: Armed Conflict, Civil Society, Class, Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Economies, Poverty, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Governance, Post-conflict Governance, Nonviolence, Peace Processes, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Religion, Rights, Human Rights Regions: Europe, Northern Europe Countries: Ireland

Year: 2013

"Once Intrepid Warriors": Modernity and the Production of Maasai Masculinities

Citation:

Hodgeson, Dorothy. 1999. ""Once Intrepid Warriors": Modernity and the Production of Maasai Masculinities." Ethnology 38 (2): 121-50.

Author: Dororthy Hodgeson

Keywords: tanzania, maasai, masculinity, gender, modernity

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Gender, Masculinity/ies, Gender Roles, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Hierarchies, Masculinism Regions: Africa, East Africa Countries: Tanzania

Year: 1999

Explaining Aboriginal/Non-Aboriginal Inequalities in Postseparation Violence Against Canadian Women: Application of a Structural Violence Approach

Citation:

Pedersen, Jeannette Somlak, Lorraine Halinka Malcoe, and Jane Pulkingham. 2013. “Explaining Aboriginal /Non-Aboriginal Inequalities in Postseparation Violence Against Canadian Women: Application of a Structural Violence Approach.” Violence Against Women 19 (8): 1034-58. doi: 10.1177/1077801213499245.

Authors: Jeannette Somlak Pedersen, Lorraine Halinka Malcoe, Jane Pulkingham

Abstract:

Adopting a structural violence approach, we analyzed 2004 Canadian General Social Survey data to examine Aboriginal/non-Aboriginal inequalities in postseparation intimate partner violence (IPV) against women. Aboriginal women had 4.12 times higher odds of postseparation IPV than non-Aboriginal women (p < .001). Coercive control and age explained most of this inequality. The final model included Aboriginal status, age, a seven-item coercive control index, and stalking, which reduced the odds ratio for Aboriginal status to 1.92 (p = .085) and explained 70.5% of the Aboriginal/ non-Aboriginal inequality in postseparation IPV. Research and action are needed that challenge structural violence, especially colonialism and its negative consequences.

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Domestic Violence, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, Race, Sexual Violence, Male Perpetrators, Rape, Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, SV against women, Violence Regions: Americas, North America Countries: Canada

Year: 2013

Towards a Feminist International Ethics

Citation:

Hutchings, Kimberly. 2000. "Towards a Feminist International Ethics." Review of International Studies 26 (5): 111-30.

Author: Kimberly Hutchings

Abstract:

The title of this article brings together two terms, the latter, ‘international ethics’, is instantly recognizable as referring to a distinct aspect of the academic study of international relations with its own canonic tradition and debates. The former term, ‘feminist’, is much less familiar, and for many normative theorists in international relations refers to a political movement and set of ideological positions whose relevance to international ethics is far from clear. It is therefore necessary to engage in some preliminary explanation of the term ‘feminism’ and how it has come to be linked to ‘international ethics’ in recent scholarship in order to set out the argument of this article. It is only in the last fifteen years that theoretical perspectives under the label of feminism have come to be applied to international relations, although they have a rather longer history within other social sciences and, significantly, within ethical theory. Feminism as a political movement comes in a variety of ideological forms and the same is true of feminism within the academy. The common theme which connects diverse theoretical positions under the label of ‘feminism’ is the claim that paying attention to the ways in which social reality is ‘gendered’ has a productive impact on how it is to be understood, judged and may be changed. What counts as ‘productive’ is related not simply to the goal of enriching understanding and judgment as such (by drawing attention to its gendered dimension), but to the explicitly political goal of exposing and addressing the multiple ways in which both women and men are oppressed by gendered relations of power. It is clear, from the first, therefore, that there is a powerfully normative agenda inherent in any perspective labelled as ‘feminist’.

Keywords: feminism, feminist theory, gender theory, international feminist movement, international politics, gendered policy analysis, gender and development

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Democracy / Democratization, Development, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Gender Hierarchies, Globalization, Governance, Political Economies

Year: 2000

Gender, sovereignty and the rise of a sexual security regime in international law and postcolonial India

Citation:

Kapur, Ratna. March 2014. "Gender, sovereignty and the rise of a sexual security regime in international law and postcolonial India." Melbourne Journal of International Law 14 (2): 1-29.

Author: Ratna Kapur

Abstract:

In this paper, I use the recent ‘Delhi rape’ case that received global attention in 2012 to trace how an appalling episode of violence against a woman is articulated within stable categories of gender and invites state intervention in the form of criminal justice, stringent sentencing and a strengthened sexual security regime. I argue that the stability of gender and gender categories based on the binary of male and female has been an integral feature of international law and has been maintained partly through an overwhelming focus on sexual violence against women by states as well as non-state actors. This focus relies on a statist approach to sovereignty, where advocacy is directed at the state for redress and protection, primarily in the form of carceral measures, which in turn translate into a tightening of the sexual security regime. By continuing to appeal to the state as a central custodian of women’s rights, feminist and human rights advocacy has failed to address the ways in which power is dispersed and does not operate in a top-down manner. It also operates in terms of domination, subjugation and subject constitution. I examine how a security discourse operates to regulate, discipline and manage gender in the context of three areas of international law: anti-trafficking interventions in international human rights law; wartime rape in international criminal law; and the ‘taming of gender’ in the context of the Security Council resolutions 1325 and 1820 on gender, peace and security.

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, International Law, International Human Rights, Rights, Human Rights, Women's Rights, Security, UN Security Council Resolutions on WPS, UNSCR 1325, UNSCR 1820, Sexual Violence, Rape, SV against women, Trafficking Regions: Asia, South Asia Countries: India

Year: 2014

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