West Africa

Explaining Sexual Violence During Civil War

Citation:

Cohen, Dara Kay. 2010. “Explaining Sexual Violence during Civil War.” PhD diss., Stanford University.

Author: Dara Kay Cohen

Abstract:

Rape reportedly occurred on a mass scale during the Sierra Leone civil war. Yet existing theories of rape during conflict—including ethnic war and state breakdown—cannot account for the incidence and patterns of rape in Sierra Leone. In this paper, I develop a theory of rape as a socialization tool. I argue that rape during the Sierra Leone conflict served an essential intragroup function for members in some types of combatant groups—those with low levels of internal cohesion. Drawing on almost 200 original interviews of both non-combatants and ex-combatants collected during five months of fieldwork in Sierra Leone, as well as a newly available household survey of wartime human rights violations, I find that rape was an especially successful tool used by rank-and-file combatants to facilitate bonding within fighting units. I examine evidence for the theory using microlevel data in Sierra Leone and also explore the support for alternative explanations. 
 

Keywords: sexual violence, civil war

Topics: Armed Conflict, Civil Wars, Ethnic/Communal Wars, Combatants, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Sexual Violence, Rape Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Sierra Leone

Year: 2010

Sexual Assault Recovery in the Aftermath of the Liberian Civil War: Forging a Sisterhood between Feminist Psychology and Feminist Theology

Citation:

Bryant-Davis, Thelma, Katurah Cooper, Alison Marks, Kimberly Smith, and Shaquita Tillman. 2011. “Sexual Assault Recovery in the Aftermath of the Liberian Civil War: Forging a Sisterhood between Feminist Psychology and Feminist Theology.” Women & Therapy 34 (3): 314-30.

Authors: Thelma Bryant-Davis, Katurah Cooper, Alison Marks, Kimberly Smith, Shaquita Tillman

Abstract:

Cross-border feminist collaborations enhance efforts to combat violence against women, including sexual violence. Sexual assault was a pervasive human rights violation perpetrated against many Liberian women during the over decade long Civil War. Based on a review of the mental health literature focusing on the realities of this crime against humanity in the lives of Liberian women, thirteen interviews were conducted with Liberian Church leaders. The participants and the first and second authors are collaborators on faith-based initiatives aimed at serving and empowering Liberian women and girls through the African Methodist Episcopal Church. Interviewees highlight the effects, dynamics, needs, and solutions for Liberian women attempting to recover from these atrocities. This article utilizes feminist theology and feminist psychology as a frame for understanding the experiences of Liberian sexual assault survivors and feminist cross-border collaborations in West Africa.

Keywords: sexual violence, trauma, recovery

Annotation:

Quotes:

"Often, female combatants were required to perpetrate the very crimes they were subjected to: rape, torture, and murder (Johnson et al., 2008). Female combatants were at an increased risk for sexual violence (42.3%) as compared with their noncombatant counterparts (9.2%) (Johnson et al., 2008). Interestingly, Swiss et al. (2008) report that being required to cook for a soldier, a form of wartime servitude, placed Liberian women at greater risk for sexual violence, 55% versus 10% for those who were not made to prepare meals." (317)

"Research on sexual violence during the Liberian civil war faces linguistic complications, stemming from the lack of terminology for describing rape in Liberian English (Swiss, et al., 1998). However, research in this area has relied on concepts of ‘‘forced sex’’ and visual depictions of sexual coercion to examine the topic." (317)

"In 2005 Liberia passed one of the strictest anti-rape legislation in its region, making statutory and gang rape an 'unbailable' offense; an offense previously holding a $25 bail fee (Callimachi, 2007)." (318)

"With an awareness of the dearth of mental health professionals working in Liberia in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War as well as the central role of religion and spirituality in many Liberian women’s lives, the authors primarily sought out female Liberian Church leaders to shed light on one of the focus areas of their faith-based collaborative projects, the issue of sexual violence during the Liberian Civil War." (321)

 "On the other hand, there are safe places where some women are able to find relief and a safe forum to express their feelings and receive support. The outlets described are Christian Church gatherings, family=informal gatherings, and gender-specific, trauma focused Sexual Assault in the Liberian Civil War workshops hosted in a range of settings; these are reflections of feminist theological and feminist psychological interventions. These distinct outlets have the common ground of community support or social support. The approach they take however is different in that one is based on spiritual knowledge and emotional release while the other is focused on psycho-education or victim-centered information provision. When considering the intersection of feminist theology and psychology, one is required to attend to the holistic needs of rape victims—their minds, bodies, hearts, and spirits." (323-324)

"Interventions based on feminist psychology principles require acknowledging and addressing sexism in all of its manifestations in society, including in religious settings. There is also a need to address women’s sexuality, including their health, empowerment, and self-awareness. Additionally feminist interventions require challenging hierarchies of power and privilege, including the privilege of resource access of women in urban areas as compared to the pervasive neglect of women in rural areas or women marginalized for other aspects of their identity." (326)

Topics: Armed Conflict, Civil Wars, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Girls, Gender-Based Violence, Justice, Crimes against Humanity, Religion, Rights, Human Rights, Women's Rights, Sexual Violence, Rape, SV against Women Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Liberia

Year: 2011

Investigating the Role of Government Legislation and its Implementation in Addressing Gender-Based Violence Among Returnee Refugee Women in Liberia

Citation:

Yacob-Haliso, Olajumoke. 2012. "Investigating the Role of Government Legislation and its Implementation in Addressing Gender-Based Violence Among Returnee Refugee Women in Liberia.” Wagadu: A Journal of Transnational Women's and Gender Studies 10 (Spring): 132-49.

Author: Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso

Abstract:

Empirical evidence has demonstrated that in contemporary wars, women and children bear the brunt of the violence unleashed in the form of killings, abductions, and various forms of gendered violence. This research investigates the ways in which returnee refugee women in post war Liberia experience gender-based violence in their everyday lives. It also investigates the role of governmental agencies in addressing this violence and the implications of all these for the reintegration of returnee women and peace in the country generally. To this end, fieldwork was carried out in Liberia employing in-depth and semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions, document review, and observation. One hundred persons participated in the study including returnee women across the country, community leaders, and NGO and government staff. The research was framed within human rights theory, which locates women's rights within human rights and provides practitioners and disadvantaged women alike a vocabulary to frame political and social wrongs. The responses indicate that returnee refugee women in Liberia continue to confront generalized and gender-specific violence. The implementation of government legislation such as the new rape law continue to encumber the drive to tackle gender-based violence (GBV) while other initiatives such as a national GBV taskforce move the country in the right direction. The implications are that reintegration of returnee refugee women remains slow and, although women constitute a remarkable proportion of government, most returnee women have yet to find meaningful ways of contributing to the success of the nascent political order.

Keywords: female refugees, sexual violence, human rights, gender-based violence, legislation, women's rights

Annotation:

Quotes:
 
"In the current early 'post conflict' period in Liberia, returnee refugee women experience both generalized violence and certain gender-specific forms of aggression. The general forms of violence which affect returnee refugee women, too, include armed robbery, fear of attack by armed robbers (referred to as Isakabba), physical assault such as battery, intimidation, murder of family members, child abuse, and ritual killings. Sometimes, the experience is of tribal attacks, especially in those areas of the country where the war was fought on tribal terms." (138)
 
"It must be noted that even with violence that seems general and gender-neutral, such as armed robbery, an underlying gender vulnerability can be detected because more often than not, single women or female-headed households tend to be targeted and more frequently, too, than male-headed households." (139)
 
"In terms of gender-based or gender-specific forms of violence, returnee women interviewed in different parts of Liberia report the prevalence of rape, sexual exploitation, incest, sexual harassment, domestic abuse, ritualistic killings, teenage pregnancy, and female-genital mutilation." (139)
 
“Especially remarkable is the “new” rape law (Government of Liberia, 2005) that was enacted by the National Transitional Legislature on December 29, 2005, on the eve of handing over to the newly elected democratic government….The law specifies that rape, under certain conditions, is a felony of the first degree and when so determined can carry a maximum sentence of life imprisonment. For the first time, 'rape' is legally defined and penalty attached to the commission of the offence. Furthermore, the law recognizes and penalizes gang rape and includes also acts of sexual abuse of girls under the legal age of consent – 18 years of age." (141)
 
"Field work for this research further discovered that, as at the time of data collection, modality for the implementation of the rape law was still hazy and largely disputable." (142)
 
"An additional revelation was the interpretation given by the Ministry of Justice to the stipulation of the law that “the trial of all cases under section 14.70 shall be heard in camera.” It was learnt that 'in camera' does not mean that nobody but the judge will be in the court room. On the contrary, in addition to the judge, the jury, the defendant/s and his/their lawyer/s, the victim, the witnesses, and other court officials will also be present. In fact, the rape case will be held in open court, a situation that denies and definitely adds to the victim’s suffering." (143)
 
"In addition to the above shortcomings, various NGO, UN, and government staff interviewed cited the absence of the government in certain areas as contributory factors in the prevalence of gender-based violence in the post-war country. This implies that the government is absent to provide security as well as absent to monitor abuses. Also frustrating for victims, their families, and human rights workers is the crippled justice system." (143)
 
"Because returnee women are preoccupied with maintaining physical survival and security, they report that they are unable to follow and/or participate in political processes that would have increased their identification with the political system." (144)
 
"The impact of violence is such that it also bequeaths psychological instabilities that detract from returnee women’s social reintegration. Generalized and gender-specific forms of violence deny women access to social services and other productive resources that would otherwise benefit them and contribute to their reintegration." (145)
 
“Unfortunately, too many of the returnees interviewed in Liberia indicated their regret at return and their willingness to go back to the country of exile if given the means." (145)
 

Topics: Displacement & Migration, Refugees, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, NGOs, Rights, Human Rights, Women's Rights, Sexual Violence, Rape, SV against Women Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Liberia

Year: 2012

From Where We Stand: War, Women's Activism and Feminist Analysis

Citation:

Cockburn, Cynthia. 2007. From Where We Stand: War, Women's Activism and Feminist Analysis. New York: Zed Books.

Author: Cynthia Cockburn

Abstract:

The product of 80,000 miles of travel by the author over a two-year period, this original study examines women's activism against wars as far apart as Sierra Leone, Colombia and India. It shows women on different sides of conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and Israel refusing enmity and co-operating for peace. It describes international networks of women opposing US and Western European militarism and the so-called 'war on terror'. Women are often motivated by adverse experiences in male-led anti-war movements, preferring to choose different methods of protest and remain in control of their own actions. But like the mainstream movements, women's groups differ - some are pacifist while others put justice before non-violence; some condemn nationalism as a cause of war while others see it as a legitimate source of identity. The very existence of feminist antimilitarism proposes a radical shift in our understanding of war, linking the violence of patriarchal power to that of class oppression and ethnic 'othering'.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Civil Society, Class, Ethnicity, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gender Analysis, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militarism, Nonviolence, Peacebuilding, Political Participation, Race, Terrorism, Violence Regions: Africa, West Africa, Americas, North America, South America, Asia, South Asia, Europe, Western Europe Countries: Colombia, India, Sierra Leone, United States of America

Year: 2007

"Re-claiming" Land in The Gambia: Gendered Property Rights and Environmental Intervention

Citation:

Schroeder, Richard A. 1997. “‘Re-claiming’ Land in The Gambia: Gendered Property Rights and Environmental Intervention." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 87 (3): 487-508.

Author: Richard A. Schroeder

Abstract:

By definition, land reclamation programs render marginally productive land resources more valuable to a broader set of users. The question of who gets access to rejuvenated lands is often highly political, however. Environmental managers “reclaim” land resources by rehabilitating them, but they simultaneously reanimate struggles over property rights in the process, allowing specific groups of resource users to literally and figuratively “re-claim” the land. Relying on data gathered during fourteen months of field work between 1989 and 1995, this paper analyzes the openings created by environmental policy reforms introduced over the past two decades along The Gambia River Basin, and the tactics and strategies rural Gambians have developed to manipulate these policies for personal gain. Specifically, I demonstrate how women market gardeners pressed “secondary” usufruct rights to great advantage to ease the economic impact of persistent drought conditions for the better part of a decade, only to have male lineage heads and community leaders “re-claim” the resources in question through donor-generated agroforestry and soil and water management projects. This is thus a study of the responses different community groups have made to a shifting international development agenda centered on environmental goals. It is simultaneously an analysis of those environmental policies and practices and their impact on gendered patterns of resource access and control within a set of critical rural livelihood systems.

Keywords: land reclamation, Gender, agroforestry, resource tenure, political ecology, environmental interverntion

Topics: Environment, Gender, Women, Rights, Land Rights, Property Rights Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Gambia

Year: 1997

The Nigerian Armed Forces and Sexual Violence in Ogoniland of the Niger Delta Nigeria, 1990-1999

Citation:

Odoemene, Akachi. 2012. "The Nigerian Armed Forces and Sexual Violence in Ogoniland of the Niger Delta Nigeria, 1990-1999." Armed Forces and Society 38 (2): 225-51.

Author: Akachi Odoemene

Abstract:

Ogoniland in the Niger Delta was subjected to excessive militarization during Nigeria’s military dictatorships. Nigerian Armed Forces used acts of violence and repression, including various forms of sexual violence, as instruments to intimidate the people and ultimately contain the ‘‘Ogoni insurgency.’’ This article reconstructs the history of the military occupation of Ogoniland and the acts of sexual violence perpetrated by Nigerian Armed Forces—an area in which little research has previously been conducted. It examines the factors contributing to acts of violence in the Ogoni conflicts committed with the active complicity of the State in the context of a nationalized conflict. Data for the study were derived from both primary and secondary sources, including in-person and focus group interviews. An imbalance of power relations was identified as the ultimate cause of violent acts, which were used as demonstrations of power and weapons of State terrorism. The wider sociocultural meanings and implications of these violations are diverse, deep-rooted, and altogether utterly destructive to the social fabric of Nigeria. Finally, the unwillingness of the State to engage with this historical episode in Ogoniland could lead to repeated violence in Ogoniland and elsewhere.

Keywords: sexual violence, military, military dictatorship, insurgency, militarization

Annotation:

Quotes:

"There is apparent tension in the relationship between the military and civilians in Nigeria. The military often evoke images of terror in the minds of the civil populace. This is because it is seen as basically committed to violence. Prolonged military  rule has helped reinforce the ‘‘higher-image’’ feeling of the military that anyone outside of its formation is of a lesser status. This thinking was also enforced by patterns of military brutality against civilians, such as intimidation, wilful attacks, the use of armed forces personnel by civilians to settle personal scores, the setting-up of roadblocks to extort money from civilian motorists, public whippings and beatings, and other severe punishment of civilians. In some extreme cases, civilians are killed by military personnel, usually for the flimsiest reasons. These incidents are all too frequent around the country. Thus, civilians try as much as possible to avoid confrontations with the military. One such way to avoid the military has been to accord them preference and privileges, not due to respect for their service to the country but out of palpable fear of their being able to dispense unwarranted, vicious, and humiliating punishments to civilians. Civilian affinity for the military is also a measure of social relevance and is useful for intimidating and manipulating one’s milieu, as well as averting sanctions prone to military influence." (Odoemene, 230-231)

"Thirdly, among men of the Armed Forces, acts of sexual violence against civilians are not regarded as serious offences. It is not surprising that many of them view sexual violence as a ‘‘fringe benefit,’’ and an unspoken perk in many conflict situations. Similarly, their leadership has often dismissed incidents of rape on the pretext that these men simply ‘‘get out of hand or out of control after a rough day on the ‘battlefield.’’’ This underlines the mindset of most Nigerian Armed Forces members on issues of sexual violence. Accordingly, the notion of playing God—given their authorization to ‘‘decide’’ who lives or dies—and knowing the usual ‘‘official position’’ on such matters, sometimes motivate these men to indulge in several forms of misconduct, including sexual felonies." (Odoemene, 237)

"This shameful and humiliating act of mass rape took place as a military tactic for psychologically ‘‘breaking’’ female protestors; to ‘‘put them in their place’’ in society; that is, their socionormative position ‘‘under the men.’’ By this act, the women would be too ashamed to even face and talk to each other, constituting a gender-specific tactic to effectively contain and stifle radical female agency at its early stages of political mobilization." (Odoemene, 238)

"Thus, even after experiencing such violent acts, these women were required prove their 'innocence,' and that they did not enjoy the acts. This was typical in many Ogoni cases." (Odoemene, 240)

"The Ogoni atrocities, therefore, represent a form of organized ethnic warfare, since they used one or more dominant ethnic group or regional formation to humiliate another minority ethnic group, specifically using sex as a weapon. Indeed, it is very difficult for the men of the armed forces of a country to be used against its own population, and even more difficult to use this establishment in such circumstances  for acts of sexual violence. Consequently, for the State to get men of its Armed Forces to sexually violate its citizens, the ‘‘ethnic card’’ must have been fully exploited and channeled toward this end." (Odoemene, 242)

Topics: Armed Conflict, Occupation, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Militarization, Security, Sexual Violence, Violence Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Nigeria

Year: 2012

Women War Survivors of the 1989-2003 Conflict in Liberia: The Impact of Sexual and Gender-Based Violence

Citation:

Liebling-Kalifani, Helen, Victoria Mwaka, Ruth Ojiambo-Ochieng, Juliet Were-Oguttu, Eugene Kinyanda, Deddeh Kwekwe, Lindora Howard, and Cecilia Danuweli. 2011. "Women War Survivors of the 1989-2003 Conflict in Liberia: The Impact of Sexual and Gender-Based Violence." Journal of International Women's Studies 12 (1): 1-21.

Authors: Helen Liebling-Kalifani, Victoria Mwaka, Ruth Ojiambo-Ochieng, Juliet Were-Oguttu, Eugene Kinyanda, Deddeh Kwekwe, Lindora Howard, Cecilia Danuweli

Abstract:

This article presents a summary of the qualitative data from research carried out in post-conflict Liberia by Isis-WICCE, a women's international non-government organisation, in conjunction with the Ministry of Gender and Development of Liberia and Women in Peace-building Network, WIPNET. Analysis of research findings detail women's experiences of conflict and the serious effects of sexual violence and torture on their physical and psychological health. The paper also describes the omission of women from justice and rehabilitation processes. In support of women participants' views, the author's recommend that funding is urgently required for the provision of holistic and sustainable, gender- sensitive services. Additional recommendations are made with respect to health, justice and policy changes in line with enhancing women survivor's roles and utilising their skills and resilience.

Annotation:

Quotes:

"The rates of sexual violence were higher amongst former combatants; 42.3%, amongst women combatants and 32.6% amongst male combatants." (9)

"The most visited health facility for psychological problems and surgical problems related to war were the private run clinics. However, significant numbers utilised self medication, traditional healers, local health centres and district hospitals. A tenth of the participants had not sought any treatment at all for their psychological problems. Participants described government health facilities as not having the necessary professional expertise to handle the psychosocial consequences of war as well as the emerging epidemic of domestic violence." (11-12)

"It was also observed that the DDRR largely failed to meet a large number of women's and girls' needs compared to men's and boys'. Thousands of women and girls formally associated with the fighting forces did not participate in the DDRR for reasons such as misinformation, lack of knowledge and understanding about the process, manipulation by commanders, lack of funding, lack of political will to ensure a gender-based approach, shame and fear. Some of the women that did participate were said to have been harassed by UN designated officials during the disarmament phase, including being ridiculed or hit whilst trying to disarm. Amnesty International (2008a) reported that some women did not benefit unless they were prepared to have sex with their commander. The programme failed to meet the needs of many women and girl combatants and did not ensure that their participation was proportional to their actual level of involvement. Many women were said to have failed to fully benefit from the rehabilitation and reintegration phase because the programme largely failed to acknowledge and address stigma and shame as a barrier to their participation, as well as taking into account adequate understandings of women's and girl's war experiences (Amnesty International, 2008a)." (14)

Topics: Armed Conflict, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, Governance, Post-Conflict Governance, Health, Mental Health, Reproductive Health, International Organizations, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Rights, Women's Rights, Sexual Violence, Rape, SV against Women, Torture, Sexual Torture Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Liberia

Year: 2011

Women War Survivors of Sexual Violence in Liberia: Inequalities in Health, Resilience and Justice

Citation:

Liebling-Kalifani, Helen and Bruce Baker. 2010. "Women War Survivors of Sexual Violence in Liberia: Inequalities in Health, Resilience and Justice." Journal of International Social Research 3 (13): 188-199.

Authors: Helen Liebling-Kalifani, Bruce Baker

Abstract:

This article argues that the human consequences of conflict sexual violence have often been misunderstood. Typically research has conceptualised these effects in terms of an individual manifestation of psychological trauma and physical injuries. The corresponding post-conflict responses have therefore been confined to a medical one. This paper, based on research with women war survivors in Liberia, argues for an alternative understanding and response. First, it views conflict sexual violence and torture as gendered, that is, although both men and women endure these experiences, their responses are different. Second, it believes that beyond the individual's trauma the impact of conflict sexual violence and torture affects whole communities and identity. Third, it recognises a strong desire for justice among survivors whose fulfillment is vital to their recovery. Fourth, it recognises high levels of resilience among women survivors. In the light of these perspectives, the article argues that for post-conflict responses to be effective they must go beyond a purely individualistic and medical conceptualisation of needs. Rather they have to be gendered, culturally sensitive, address justice as well as health needs and build upon the resilience of women war survivors and their communities.

Keywords: sexual violence, health

Annotation:

Quotes:

"Though Liberia was the first country to launch a plan for the implementation of UN Resolution 1325 (Republic of Liberia, 2008) and though the legal definition of rape was expanded and the age of consent was raised to 18 years, perpetrators are still hardly ever convicted. Part of the problem is the failure to report incidents or to look for medical or professional assistance due to shame, fear of rejection and lack of confidence that the ‘system’ will protect the rights of women (IRIN, 2009; MSF, 2007; UNIFEM 2004; and for northern Uganda see Liebling-Kalifani, in press). Whilst recognizing that both sexes are exposed to violence during armed conflict, women and girls are subjected to sexualized and gender-based violence that targets their sexuality and status." (Liebling-Kalifani et al., 189)

 

"The war also had a serious detrimental effect on the very services that the war survivors needed namely judicial and medical. Although there are a few examples of health initiatives, the capacity of the Liberian government to respond to women survivors of sexual violence is thus extremely limited. There is little to address their physical and psychological health needs; and their need for justice against the perpetrators of the violence." (Liebling-Kalifani et al.,190)

 "This paper, drawing on findings of recent research carried out with women war survivors in Liberia, argues that for post-conflict responses to be effective they must go beyond a purely individualistic and medical conceptualisation of needs. Rather they have to be gendered, culturally sensitive, address justice as well as social and health needs and build upon the resilience of women and their communities." (Liebling-Kalifani et al., 190)

 

"A culture of partial justice and impunity for the powerful had long marked by the pre-war system and in fact had been one of the primary catalysts for the civil war. According to one survey (Liberian CJS Report, 2002) 56% of those who had been arrested and forwarded to court believe that the court had not been fair to them, citing reasons such as partiality of judges (41%), interference by government officials (24%), no opportunity for legal representation (18%) and jury manipulation (6%). Thus 59% of these respondents were not satisfied with the outcome of the cases. Overall, 61% of respondents said they had little or no confidence in the courts to render justice." (Liebling-Kalifani et al., 192)

 "Significant changes were made to legislation, which expanded the definition of rape so that now any form of sexual penetration is considered rape under Liberian law. The age of consent has also been raised to 18 years. The new laws have also established harsher punishment for perpetrators and abolished bail for rape cases. Despite these steps, the judicial system has yet to adapt these changes so the new laws have made little difference. Perpetrators are still hardly ever convicted. Rape still tends to be dealt with privately. Most victims never press charges. According to the Association of Female Lawyers of Liberia, there is a conspiracy of silence and denial within the community and within the families involved. The judicial system is an ongoing source of frustration." (Liebling-Kalifani et al., 192)

 

"Analysis of the research data from Liberia suggests that the effects of conflict sexual violence and torture should be regarded as gendered, that is, although both men and women endure these experiences, their responses are different. Women war survivors reconstruct their identities by taking on male roles, becoming heads of households, peace building as well as engaging in collective and political activities. Women’s ability to voice their experiences, form groups as a political act of resistance, results in a shared identity and a decrease in trauma experienced. In contrast, men largely turn their trauma inwards, using strategies such as alcohol and drug use in an attempt to ‘manage’ their distress (Isis-WICCE, 2008). Further, it is suggested that women’s war trauma is differently constituted than men’s due to the effects of sexual violence and torture being understood as a ‘destruction of cultural identity’ and of the ethnic group. Hence, the effects of these experiences on women are equally valid, and therefore deserving of compensation and facilities for recovery, as has been awarded to male soldiers (Liebling-Kalifani, in press)." (Liebling-Kalifani et al., 194)

 

"It is emphasised however, that although destruction of cultural identity and entitlement to power was in many ways ‘successful’ from the point of view of the military groups, in the sense that it did erode Liberian women and girl’s sense of self, cultural identity and entitlement to power, this was never an uncontested process. Liberian women and girls, who were the objects of attack, also resisted the breakdown of their cultural identity, not only physically and militarily, for example as combatants, but also socially, psychologically and culturally. As Andermahr et al. (1997: 287) suggest, ‘theoretically informed accounts by women who have experienced rape and struggled to retain their sense of autonomy are needed.'" (Liebling-Kalifani et al., 195)

Topics: Gender, Women, Health, Mental Health, Trauma, Sexual Violence, SV against Men, Torture Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Liberia

Year: 2010

If Not Now, When? Addressing Gender-Based Violence in Refugee, Internally Displaced, and Post-Conflict Settings: A Global Overview

Citation:

Ward, Jeanne. 2002. If Not Now, When? Addressing Gender-Based Violence in Refugee, Internally Displaced, and Post-Conflict Settings: A Global Overview. New York: The Reproductive Health for Refugees Consortium.  

Author: Jeanne Ward

Keywords: gender violence, refugee, displacement, post-conflict, human trafficking

Annotation:

This report addresses gender-based violence (GBV) in refugee, internally displaced, and post-conflict settings through twelve country profiles: three each for Africa, Asia, Europe, and Latin America. The profiles include background information, GBV issues, GBV-related programming, and recommendations. The report focuses almost exclusively on violence against women and girls, and human trafficking is one of the main issues discussed. 

Topics: Displacement & Migration, IDPs, Refugees, Refugee/IDP Camps, Gender, Women, Girls, Gender-Based Violence, Health, Reproductive Health, Post-Conflict, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Sexual Violence, SV against Women, Trafficking, Human Trafficking, Violence Regions: Africa, Central Africa, East Africa, West Africa, Americas, Central America, South America, Asia, Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia, Europe, Balkans, Eastern Europe, South Caucasus, Oceania Countries: Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Colombia, Congo-Brazzaville, Guatemala, Kosovo, Nicaragua, Pakistan, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Thailand, Timor-Leste

Year: 2002

Human Trafficking: The Unintended Effects of United Nations Intervention

Citation:

Smith, Heather, and Charles Anthony Smith.  2011. "Human Trafficking: The Unintended Effects of United Nations Intervention." International Political Science Review 32 (2): 125-45.

Authors: Heather Smith, Charles Anthony Smith

Abstract:

International relations literature is replete with work on the effects of United Nations intervention on global crises, generally concluding that UN intervention either intensifies or ameliorates the crisis. Yet, the global human rights community has attempted to expose the more subtle and unintended effects of UN intervention, namely, substantial increases in the human sex trafficking trade into crisis areas. In this paper we attempt to bridge these two literatures. We evaluate increases in human trafficking in light of UN involvement in Kosovo, Haiti, and Sierra Leone. We argue that UN involvement has the unfortunate and unintended effect of increasing the rates of human trafficking in these crisis areas. We consider Nepal, where the UN did not intervene, as a control case. Our work concludes that the UN should proceed with caution into crisis areas and have plans in place to avoid the potentially devastating externalities of otherwise well-intentioned efforts.

Keywords: United Nations, military sexual assault, intervention, human rights, human trafficking

Topics: Economies, Humanitarian Assistance, International Organizations, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Peacekeeping, Rights, Human Rights, Trafficking, Human Trafficking, Sex Trafficking Regions: Africa, West Africa, Americas, Caribbean countries, Asia, South Asia, Europe, Balkans, Eastern Europe Countries: Haiti, Kosovo, Nepal, Sierra Leone

Year: 2011

Pages

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