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What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas


Thomson, Jennifer. 2020. “What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas.” International Studies Perspectives.  doi:10.1093/isp/ekz032. 

Author: Jennifer Thomson


Across politics and public discourse, feminism is experiencing a global renaissance. Yet feminist academic work is divided over the burgeoning use of the term, particularly in reference to economic and international development policy. For some, feminism has been co-opted for neoliberal economic ends; for others, it remains a critical force across the globe. This article explores the nascent feminist foreign policies of Sweden and Canada. Employing a discourse analysis of both states’ policy documents, it asks what the term “feminist” meant in preliminary attempts at constructing a feminist foreign policy. It argues that although both use the term “feminist,” they understand the term very differently, with Sweden centering it in domestic and international commitments to change, while Canada places greater emphasis on the private sector. This suggests that this policy agenda is still developing its central concepts, and is thus ripe for intervention on the part of policymakers and civil society organizations.

A través de la política y el discurso público, el feminismo está experimentando un renacimiento global. Sin embargo, el trabajo académico feminista está dividido por el uso creciente del término, particularmente en referencia a la política de desarrollo económico e internacional. Para algunos, el feminismo ha sido cooptado para fines económicos neoliberales; para otros, sigue siendo una fuerza fundamental en todo el mundo. Este artículo analiza las incipientes políticas exteriores feministas de Suecia y Canadá. Al emplear un análisis del discurso de los documentos de las políticas de ambos estados, se pregunta qué significaba el término «feminista» en los intentos preliminares de construir una política exterior feminista. Se argumenta que si bien ambos estados usan el término «feminista», entienden el término de manera muy diferente, ya que Suecia se centra en los compromisos nacionales e internacionales de cambio, mientras que Canadá pone un mayor énfasis en el sector privado. Esto sugiere que este proyecto aún está desarrollando sus conceptos centrales; por lo tanto, es propicio para la intervención de los responsables de formular políticas y las organizaciones de la sociedad civil.

On assiste actuellement à une renaissance du féminisme dans la politique et le débat public à l’échelle mondiale. Cependant, les spécialistes académiques du féminisme sont divisés sur l'utilisation naissante du terme, notamment en référence à la politique économique et de développement international. Pour certains, le féminisme a été coopté à des fins économiques néolibérales ; pour d'autres, il demeure une force majeure dans le monde. Cet article étudie les politiques étrangères féministes naissantes de la Suède et du Canada. S'appuyant sur une analyse du discours de la politique des deux états, il s'interroge sur le sens entendu du terme « féministe » lors des premières tentatives d’élaboration d'une politique étrangère féministe. Il soutient que, bien que les deux états utilisent le terme « féministe », ils le comprennent de manière très différente : en effet, la Suède place le féminisme au cœur des engagements nationaux et internationaux de changement, tandis que le Canada le situe davantage dans le domaine privé. Cela suggère que cet agenda politique est encore en train de développer ses concepts centraux et que, par conséquent, le moment est venu pour les décideurs politiques et les organisations de la société civile d'intervenir.

Keywords: feminism, feminist theory, foreign policy, feminist foreign policy, sweden, Canada

Topics: Civil Society, Development, Economies, Feminisms, Feminist Foreign Policy Regions: Americas, North America, Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Canada, Sweden

Year: 2020

The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security


Davies, Sara E., and Jacqui True, eds. 2019. The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security. New York: Oxford University Press.

Authors: Sara E. Davies, Jacqui True


The Oxford Handbook on Women, Peace, and Security examines the significant and evolving international Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda, which scholars and practitioners have together contributed to advancing over almost two decades. Fifteen years since the passage of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000), the WPS agenda has never been more salient on the agenda of states and international organizations. The Global Study of 1325 (“Preventing Conflict, Securing Peace”) commissioned by the UN Secretary-General and released in September 2015, however, found that there is a major implementation gap with respect to UNSCR 1325 that accounts for the gaping absence of women’s participation in peace and transitional decision-making processes. With independent, critical, and timely analysis by scholars, advocates, and policymakers across global regions, the Oxford Handbook synthesizes new and enduring knowledge, collectively taking stock of what has been achieved and what remains incomplete and unfinished about the WPS agenda. The handbook charts the collective way forward to increase the impact of WPS research, theory, and practice.

Keywords: WPS agenda, women peace and security, UNSCR 1325, gender and security, UN Security Council, women's rights, conflict and post-conflict


Table of Contents:
Part I. Concepts of WPS
1. WPS: A Transformative Agenda?
Sara E. Davies and Jacqui True
2. Peace and Security from a Feminist Perspective
J. Ann Tickner
3. Adoption of 1325 Resolution
Christine Chinkin
4. Civil Society's Leadership in Adopting 1325 Resolution
Sanam Naraghi Anderlini
5. Scholarly Debates and Contested Meanings of WPS
Fionnuala D. Ní Aoláin and Nahla Valji
6. Advocacy and the WPS Agenda
Sarah Taylor
7. WPS as a Political Movement
Swanee Hunt and Alive Wairimu Nderitu
8. Location Masculinities in WP
Henri Myrttinen
9. WPS and Adopted Security Council Resolutions
Laura J Shepherd
10. WPS and Gender Mainstreaming
Karin Landgren
11. The Production of the 2015 Global Study
Louise Olsson and Theodora-Ismene Gizelis
Part II. Pillars of WPS
12. WPS and Conflict Prevention
Bela Kapur and Madeleine Rees
13. What Works in Participation
Thania Paffenholz
14. What Works (and Fails) in Protection
Hannah Donges and Janosch Kullenberg
15. What Works in Relief and Recovery
Jacqui True and Sarah Hewitt
16. Where the WPS Pillars Intersect
Marie O'Reilly
17. WPS and Female Peacekeepers
Natasja Rupesinghe, Eli Stamnes, and John Karlsrud
18. WPS and SEA in Peacekeeping Operations
Jamine-Kim Westendorf
19. WPS and Peacekeeping Economics
Kathleen M. Jennings
20. WPS in Military Training and Socialization
Helena Carreiras and Teresa Fragoso
21. WPS and Policing: New Terrain
Bethan Greener
22. WPS, States, and the National Action Plans
Mirsad Miki Jacevic
Part III. Institutionalizing WPS
23. WPS inside the United Nations
Megan Dersnah
24. WPS and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Sexual Violence in Conflict
Eleanor O'Gorman
25. WPS and the Human Rights Council
Rashida Manjoo
26. WPS and International Financial Institutions
Jacqui True and Barbro Svedberg
27. WPS and the International Criminal Court
Jonneke Koomen
28. WPS and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Stéfanie von Hlatky
29. WPS and the African Union
Toni Haastrup
30. WPS and the Association of South East Asian Nations
Ma. Lourdes Veneracion-Rallonza
31. WPS and the Pacific Islands Forum
Sharon Bhagwan-Rolls and Sian Rolls
32. WPS and the Organization of American States
Mary K. Meyer McAleese
33. WPS and Civil Society
Annika Bjorkdahl and Johanna Mannergren Selimovic
34. WPS and Transnational Feminist Networks
Joy Onyesoh
Part IV. Implementing WPS
35. Delivering WPS Protection in All Female Peacekeeping Force: The Case of Liberia
Sabrina Karim
36. Securing Participation and Protection in Peace Agreements: The Case of Colombia
Isabela Marín Carvajal and Eduardo Álvarez-Vanegas
37. WPS and Women's Roles in Conflict-Prevention: The Case of Bougainville
Nicole George
38. Women in Rebellion: The Case of Sierra Leone
Zoe Marks
39. Protecting Displaced Women and Girls: The Case of Syria
Elizabeth Ferris
40. Donor States Delivering on WPS: The Case of Norway
Inger Skjelsbæk and Torunn L. Tryggestad
41. WPS as Diplomatic Vocation: The Case of China
Liu Tiewa
42. Women Controlling Arms, Building Peace: The Case of the Philippines
Jasmin Nario-Galace
43. Testing the WPS Agenda: The Case of Afghanistan
Claire Duncanson and Vanessa Farr
44. Mainstreaming WPS in the Armed Forced: The Case of Australia
Jennifer Wittwer
Part V. Cross-Cutting Agenda? Connections and Mainstreaming
45. WPS and Responsibility to Protect
Alex J. Bellamy and Sara E. Davies
46. WPS and Protection of Civilians
Lisa Hultman and Angela Muvumba Sellstrom
47. WPS, Children, and Armed Conflict
Katrine Lee-Koo
48. WPS, Gender, and Disabilities
Deborah Stienstra
49. WPS and Humanitarian Action
Sarah Martin and Devanna de la Puente
50. WPS, Migration, and Displacements
Lucy Hall
51. WPS and LGBTI Rights
Lisa Davis and Jessica Stern
52. WPS and CEDAW, Optional Protocol, and General Recommendations
Catherine O'Rourke with Aisling Swaine
53. Women's Roles in CVE
Sri Waiyanti Eddyono with Sara E. Davies
54. WPS and Arms Trade Treaty
Ray Acheson and Maria Butler
55. WPS and Sustainable Development Goals
Radhika Balakrishnan and Krishanti Dharmaraj
56. WPS and the Convention against Torture
Andrea Huber and Therese Rytter
57. WPS and Climate Change
Annica Kronsell
Part VI. Ongoing and Future Challenges
58. Global Study: Looking Forward
Radhika Coomaraswamy and Emily Kenney
59. Measuring WPS: A New Global Index
Jeni Klugman
60. Pursuing Gender Security
Aisling Swaine
61. The Challenge of Foreign Policy in the WPS Agenda
Valerie M. Hudson and Lauren A. Eason
62. Networked Advocacy
Yifat Susskind and Diana Duarte
63. Women's Peacemaking in South Asia
Meenakshi Gopinath and Rita Manchanda
64. WPS, Peace Negotiations, and Peace Agreements
Karin Aggestam
65. The WPS Agenda: A Postcolonial Critique
Swati Parashar
66. The WPS Agenda and Strategy for the Twenty-First Century
Chantal de Jonge Oudraat
67. The Challenges of Monitoring and Analyzing WPS for Scholars
Natalie Florea Hudson


Topics: Civil Society, Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Conflict, Conflict Prevention, Displacement & Migration, Economies, Environment, Climate Change, Feminisms, Gender, Masculinity/ies, Gender Mainstreaming, Gendered Power Relations, International Law, International Organizations, LGBTQ, Peacekeeping, Peace and Security, Peace Processes, Post-Conflict, Rights, Human Rights, Women's Rights, Sexual Violence, UN Security Council Resolutions on WPS, UNSCR 1325, Weapons /Arms Regions: Africa, MENA, West Africa, Americas, South America, Asia, East Asia, Middle East, South Asia, Southeast Asia, Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe, Oceania Countries: Afghanistan, Australia, China, Colombia, Liberia, Norway, Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Sierra Leone, Syria

Year: 2019

Leading the Operationalisation of WPS


Hutchinson, Susan. 2018. "Leading the Operationalisation of WPS." Security Challenges 14 (2): 124-43.

Author: Susan Hutchinson


"This paper considers how an intervening security force can implement the relevant components of the suite of United Nations Security Council resolutions on Women, Peace and Security (WPS). The analytical framework of the paper is a generic operational cycle comprised of preplanning, planning, conduct, and transition. Specific tasks identified in the resolutions are organised in this generic operational cycle. The tasks are those commonly led by security forces, or directed by government, and include: conflict analysis or intelligence; deliberate planning; force structure; population protection; female engagement; support to the rule of law; security sector reform; and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration. This paper focuses on the experiences of the Australian Defence Force, with additional examples from militaries of Canada, Ireland, Sweden and the United States as well as organisational experiences from NATO and the United Nations. The paper draws on operations including, but not limited to, in Afghanistan, Rwanda, Yugoslavia and East Timor. Overall, the paper makes a unique contribution to the military operationalisation of the WPS agenda" (Hutchinson 2018, 124).

Topics: Armed Conflict, DDR, Gender, Women, Governance, International Organizations, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Security, Security Sector Reform, UN Security Council Resolutions on WPS Regions: Africa, Central Africa, East Africa, Americas, North America, Asia, South Asia, Europe, Balkans, Nordic states, Northern Europe, Western Europe, Oceania Countries: Afghanistan, Australia, Canada, Ireland, Rwanda, Sweden, Timor-Leste, United States of America, Yugoslavia (former)

Year: 2018

Migrant Workers or Working Women? Comparing Labour Supply Policies in Post-War Europe


Afonso, Alexandre. 2018. “Migrant Workers or Working Women? Comparing Labour Supply Policies in Post-War Europe.” Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice 21 (3): 251-69.

Author: Alexandre Afonso


Why did some European countries choose migrant labour to expand their labour force in the decades that followed World War II, while others opted for measures to expand female employment via welfare expansion? The paper argues that gender norms and the political strength of the left were important structuring factors in these choices. Female employment required a substantial expansion of state intervention (e.g. childcare; paid maternity leave). Meanwhile, migrant recruitment required minimal public investments, at least in the short term, and preserved traditional gender roles. Using the contrasting cases of Sweden and Switzerland, the article argues that the combination of a weak left (labour unions and social democratic parties) and conservative gender norms fostered the massive expansion of foreign labour and a late development of female labour force participation in Switzerland. In contrast, more progressive gender norms and a strong labour movement put an early end to guest worker programmes in Sweden, and paved the way for policies to promote female labour force participation.

Keywords: labour migration, female employment, Switzerland, Comparative public policy, sweden

Topics: Displacement & Migration, Migration, Economies, Gender, Women, Gender Roles, Livelihoods, Post-Conflict Regions: Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe, Western Europe Countries: Sweden, Switzerland

Year: 2019

Women and Gender Perspectives in the Military: An International Comparison


Egnell, Robert, and Mayesha Alam, eds. 2019. Women and Gender Perspectives in the Military: An International Comparison. Washington, D.C: Georgetown University Press. 

Authors: Robert Egnell, Mayesha Alam


“Women and Gender Perspectives in the Military compares the integration of women, gender perspectives, and the women, peace, and security agenda into the armed forces of eight countries plus NATO and United Nations peacekeeping operations. This book brings a much-needed crossnational analysis of how militaries have or have not improved gender balance, what has worked and what has not, and who have been the agents for change.

The country cases examined are Sweden, the Netherlands, Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, Israel, Australia, and South Africa. Despite increased opportunities for women in the militaries of many countries and wider recognition of the value of including gender perspectives to enhance operational effectiveness, progress has encountered roadblocks even nearly twenty years after United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 kicked off the women, peace, and security agenda. Robert Egnell, Mayesha Alam, and the contributors to this volume conclude that there is no single model for change that can be applied to every country, but the comparative findings reveal many policy-relevant lessons while advancing scholarship about women and gendered perspectives in the military.” (Egnell and Alam 2019)

Table of Contents: 

1. Introduction: Gender and Women in the Military—Setting the Stage

Robert Egnell and Mayesha Alam

2. Women in UN Peacekeeping Operations

Sabrina Karim

3. Sweden's Implementation of a Gender Perspective: Cutting Edge but Momentum Lost

Robert Egnell

4. The Gender Perspective and Canada's Armed Forces: Internal and External Dimensions of Military Culture

Stéfanie von Hlatky

5. The Role and Impact of Change Catalysts on the Netherlands Defense Organization: Integration of Women and Gender in Operations

Yvette Langenhuizen

6. Women and Gender in the US Military: A Slow Process of Integration

Brenda Oppermann

7. Women, Gender, and Close Combat Roles in the UK: "Sluts," "Bitches," and "Honorary Blokes"

Anthony King

8. Are Women Really Equal in the People's Army? A Gender Perspective on the Israel Defence Forces

Hanna Herzog

9. The Case of Australia: From "Culture" Reforms to a Culture of Rights

Susan Harris Rimmer

10. Three Waves of Gender Integration: The Causes, Consequences, and Implications for the South African Armed Forces

Lindy Heinecken

11. Integrating Gender Perspectives at NATO: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back

Charlotte Isaksson

12. Conclusion: Lessons of Comparison and Limits of Generalization

Robert Egnell and Mayesha Alam

Topics: Gender, Women, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Peacekeeping, Peace and Security, Security, UN Security Council Resolutions on WPS, UNSCR 1325 Regions: Africa, MENA, Southern Africa, Americas, North America, Asia, Middle East, Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe, Western Europe, Oceania Countries: Australia, Canada, Israel, Netherlands, South Africa, Sweden, United Kingdom, United States of America

Year: 2019

Cosmopolitan Militaries and Dialogic Peacekeeping: Danish and Swedish Women Soldiers in Afghanistan


Rosamond, Annika Bergman, and Annica Kronsell. 2018. "Cosmopolitan Militaries and Dialogic Peacekeeping: Danish and Swedish Women Soldiers in Afghanistan." International Feminist Journal of Politics 20 (2): 172-87.

Authors: Annika Bergman Rosamond, Annica Kronsell


Feminist security studies (FSS) scholarship advocates the analysis of women's war experiences and narratives to understand conflict and military intervention. Here we add a non-great power focus to FSS debates on the gendered discourses of military interventionism. We zoom in on Danish and Swedish women soldiers' reflections on their involvement in the ISAF operation in Afghanistan. Their stories are deconstructed against the backdrop of their states' adoption of a cosmopolitan-minded ethic on military obligation. Both states employed women soldiers in dialogic peacekeeping in Afghanistan to establish links with local women and to gather intelligence, tasks that we less frequently afforded to male soldiers. However, feminist FSS scholarship locates military intelligence gathering within racial, gendered and imperialist power relations that assign victimhood to local women. This feminist critique is pertinent, but the gendered and racial logics governing international operations vary across national contexts. While such gender binaries were present in Danish and Swedish military practice in Afghanistan, our article shows that dialogic peacekeeping offered an alternative to stereotypical constructions of women as victims and men as protectors. Dialogic peacekeeping helped to disrupt such gendering processes, giving women soldiers an opportunity to rethink their gender identities while instilling dialogical relations with local women. 

Keywords: feminist security studies, cosmopolitanism, dialogic peacekeeping, women soldiers, non-great powers, Narratives

Topics: Combatants, Female Combatants, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gendered Discourses, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Peacekeeping, Security Regions: Asia, South Asia, Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Afghanistan, Denmark, Sweden

Year: 2018

Is the Future of Foreign Policy Feminist?


Thompson, Lyric, and Rachel Clement. 2019. “Is the Future of Foreign Policy Feminist?” Seton Hall Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 20 (2): 76–94.

Authors: Lyric Thompson, Rachel Clement


“In 2014, Sweden's Foreign Minister Margot Wallström took the world by storm when she launched the world's first explicitly feminist foreign policy. The new policy would be a way of doing things differently in Sweden's international affairs, organizing its approach to diplomacy, development, and defense under a 3 Rs framework of women's rights, resources, and representation, the latter of which this journal issue seeks to explore.

“How did this come to be? For Sweden, it was not just the future of diplomacy that was female; it was the past and present as well. Sweden's parliamentary representation has hovered near parity for some time. It has also boasted a long line of female foreign ministers dating back to the 1970s. Thus, there was a strong historical precedent of women's leadership that had normalized female power in such a way as to enable the country to offer something unique to the world: a feminist foreign policy” (Thompson and Clement 2019, 76).

Topics: Development, Feminist Foreign Policy, Governance, Political Participation, Rights, Women's Rights Regions: Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Sweden

Year: 2019

Praise or Critique? Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy in the Eyes of its Fellow EU Members


Rosén Sundström, Malena, and Ole Elgström. 2019. “Praise or Critique? Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy in the Eyes of its Fellow EU Members.” European Politics and Society, September 11.

Authors: Malena Rosén Sundström, Ole Elgström


In 2014, the Swedish Government proclaimed that it would pursue a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP). This initiative illustrates Sweden’s role as a norm entrepreneur, challenging predominant normative frames by enhancing existing gender equality norms. Our article is a first attempt to investigate how other state actors perceive the legitimacy, coherence and effectiveness of this policy innovation. The focus is on the perceptions of diplomatic representatives from other European Union member states. The article is based on a survey and in-depth interviews with officials at member state permanent representations. Our findings demonstrate that it is well-known that Sweden pursues a feminist foreign policy, though knowledge is often superficial. Overall, the FFP is positively perceived. Sweden is generally regarded as a leader in the promotion of gender norms. There are, however, also critical voices. In some countries, the word ‘feminist’ evokes negative reactions. While most respondents think the FFP has had a positive effect on Sweden’s international image, less are convinced that other states will follow suit. The current context, with nationalism and populism on the rise, is not seen as appropriate for pursuing a FFP. Sweden’s success as a norm entrepreneur in this field is thus questioned.

Keywords: feminist foreign policy, sweden, European Union, perceptions, norms

Topics: Feminisms, Feminist Foreign Policy, Gender, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, International Organizations, Nationalism Regions: Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Sweden

Year: 2019

Women and Nuclear Energy: Examining the Gender Divide in Opposition to Nuclear Power Among Swedish Citizens and Politicians


Sundström, Aksel, and Aaron M. McCright. 2016. “Women and Nuclear Energy: Examining the Gender Divide in Opposition to Nuclear Power Among Swedish Citizens and Politicians.” Energy Research & Social Science 11 (January): 29–39.

Authors: Aksel Sundström, Aaron M. McCright


Whether or not there will be a ‘renaissance’ of nuclear power in the near future may depend upon the nature of support for this energy source among citizens and elected officials. Continued examination of the predictors of opposition to nuclear power therefore remains quite policy relevant. While the existing literature finds modest but consistent gender differences in attitudes towards nuclear power in the general publics of several Western countries, the robustness of this relationship has seldom been investigated across time or among elected officials. This paper addresses both of these gaps. First, analyzing nationally representative data from the Swedish general public between 1986 and 2011, we confirm that the theoretically expected gender divide in opposition to nuclear power-whereby women report greater opposition than do men-is indeed robust over time. Second, examining data from three recent surveys of elected officials at the local, regional, and national levels in Sweden, we find that female elected officials at each polity level report greater opposition to nuclear power than their male counterparts. Our results are consistent with the health and safety concerns argument, whereby women are less supportive than are men of technologies with considerable perceived health and safety risks.

Keywords: nuclear power, gender, public opinion, politicians

Topics: Gender, Women, Gender Analysis, Health, Infrastructure, Energy Regions: Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Sweden

Year: 2016

Feminist Foreign Policy 3.0: Advancing Ethics and Gender Equality in Global Politics


Aggestam, Karin, and Annika Bergman Rosamond. 2019. “Feminist Foreign Policy 3.0: Advancing Ethics and Gender Equality in Global Politics.” SAIS Review of International Affairs 39 (1): 37–48.

Authors: Karin Aggestam, Annika Bergman Rosamond


A growing number of states, including Canada, Norway, Sweden, Australia, and the United Kingdom, have adopted gender- and feminist-informed approaches to their foreign and security policies. Sweden’s feminist foreign policy was launched in 2014 and rests on the idea that gender equality is central to security and foreign policy. This article conducts an analysis of the incremental development of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy. It underlines three pillars that have informed Swedish foreign policy: rights, representation, and resources. The article assesses how these three pillars have been transformed into distinct policy and practice. It makes the following three conclusions. First, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy is distinguished by its working method pertaining to norm change whereby gendered practices and structures in global politics are challenged. Second, from the outset Sweden’s feminist foreign policy has pursued a head-wind agenda, which reflects a readiness to confront contestation in global politics. Third, as a way of tackling resistance and promoting pro-norm equality diffusion a fourth “R” has been advanced, which stands for reality checks and research.

Topics: Feminisms, Feminist Foreign Policy, Gender, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Rights, Security Regions: Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Sweden

Year: 2019


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