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Asia

Grounding the International Norm on Women, Peace and Security: The Role of Domestic Norm Entrepreneurs and the Challenges Ahead

Citation:

Veneracion-Rallonza, Lourdes. 2013. “Grounding the International Norm on Women, Peace and Security: The Role of Domestic Norm Entrepreneurs and the Challenges Ahead.” Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 22 (2): 67–85.

Author: Lourdes Veneracion-Rallonza

Annotation:

Summary:
"One of the gaps in the study of international norms is the process by which they are institutionalized and accepted at the national level. As the international norm negotiates its way through various national (and even grassroots) levels, a point of inquiry would be how domestic norm entrepreneurs have enabled its localization. This study looks at the narrative of a loose network of peace and women’s human rights groups that worked together to localize United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on women, peace and security in the Philippines. Specifically, it reviews how the network evolved to become a domestic norm entrepreneur within the context of the creation of the Philippine National Action Plan on the implementation of UNSCR 1325 and the initiatives it took to localize the norm in the national arena. Within this frame, this study argues that the network continues to evolve as it responds to current and unfolding realities of peace and women’s human rights in armed conflict situations. Particularly, as domestic norm entrepreneur, the network is trying to transcend the usual top-down strategy of grounding an international norm and is now shifting gears toward the value of bottom-up approaches in order to achieve desired results at the grassroots level" (Veneracion-Rallonza 2013, 67). 

Topics: Armed Conflict, Gender, Women, Conflict, Peace and Security, International Organizations, NGOs, Rights, Human Rights, Women's Rights, UNSCR 1325 Regions: Asia, Southeast Asia Countries: Philippines

Year: 2013

How Women's Silence Secures the Peace: Analysing Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in a Low-Intensity Conflict

Citation:

Davies, Sara E., Jacqui True, and Maria Tanyag. 2016. “How Women’s Silence Secures the Peace: Analysing Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in a Low-Intensity Conflict.” Gender & Development 24 (3): 459–73.

Authors: Sarah E. Davies, Jacqui True, Maria Tanyag

Abstract:

Most studies of the gendered impact of conflict focus on sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) atrocities committed in high-intensity conflict environments. In contrast, this article focuses on the patterns of SGBV in Mindanao, Philippines – an environment of protracted low-intensity conflict within a fragile state. We examine the current Mindanao peace process to highlight the disempowerment of survivors of SGBV, due in large part to the reporting constraints that affect those most likely to be targeted for sexual violence by rival groups, some of whom are closely associated with the peace process. By making visible the significant social, political-economic, and institutional barriers affecting the recognition and reporting of SGBV, we discuss how and why conflict-related SGBV continues in fragile and low-intensity conflict environments.

Keywords: peace process, Mindanao, clan violence, sexual violence, gender

Topics: Clan, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, Conflict, Peace Processes, Sexual Violence, SV against women Regions: Asia, Southeast Asia Countries: Philippines

Year: 2016

Gender Justice: "Gender" in the Bangsamoro Development Plan

Citation:

Jopson, Teresa Lorena. 2017. “Gender Justice: ‘Gender’ in the Bangsamoro Development Plan.” In Enlarging the Scope of Peace Psychology: African and World-Regional Contributions, edited by Mohamed Seedat, Shahnaaz Suffla, and Daniel J. Christie, 221–38. Cham: Springer.

Author: Teresa Lorena Jopson

Abstract:

This chapter is a preliminary inquiry into gender, conflict, and peace in Mindanao, Southern Philippines. I look into the role of gender in the conflict, women’s participation in peace negotiations, and gender equality as a component of peace and development. I suggest that gender inequality, in the form of a gender order, has historically shaped conflict in Mindanao. I review women’s participation in peace negotiations in Southeast Asia through the cases of Aceh, Myanmar, and the Philippines. Finally, using critical frame analysis, I look at how gender has been framed in the Bangsamoro Development Plan, a roadmap for sustainable peace of the proposed Bangsamoro government. I find that the gender order has shaped the roles men and women have taken in Bangsamoro history and that women’s participation does not necessarily translate to having gender on the agenda of peace negotiations. I underscore the relevance of increased women’s participation in peace and development processes and critically framing gender on peace agendas. I maintain that attending to the quality of gender discourse by (re)politicising “gender” to bring back its emancipatory aim is an aspect of a sustainable peace. 

Keywords: Peace Negotiations, gender, development, bangsamoro, Philippines

Topics: Development, Gender, Women, Men, Gendered Discourses, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Conflict, Gendered Discourses, Governance, Post-conflict Governance, Peacebuilding, Peace Processes Regions: Asia, Southeast Asia Countries: Philippines

Year: 2017

Securing the 'Gender Legitimacy' of the UN Security Council: Prising Gender from Its Historical Moorings

Citation:

Otto, Dianne. 2004. “Securing the 'Gender Legitimacy' of the UN Security Council: Prising Gender from Its Historical Moorings.” Legal Studies Research Paper 92, Faculty of Law, The University of Melbourne, Melbourne.

Author: Dianne Otto

Abstract:

Recent feminist efforts to engage with the UN Security Council might well be dismissed as a futile attempt to employ the master's tools to dismantle the master's house. That these efforts have born fruit, was evidenced by the Council's unanimous adoption of Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in October 2000. Since its adoption, the Resolution has been the focus of continuing engagement between women's peace advocates and the Council. 
 
The Resolution can be understood as one of a range of measures adopted by the Council in an effort to tackle its legitimacy deficit; specifically, its gender legitimacy. While the Resolution's promotion of the increased involvement of women in decision-making opens the possibility of clawing back some of the ground lost to military ways of thinking, and legitimating emancipatory understandings of peace based on gender equality and social justice, it also runs the risk of lending a renewed legitimacy to the old ways of getting things done, just as women's participation in the colonial civilizing mission helped to make imperialism possible.  
 
The examples of Afghanistan and East Timor, reveal that there has been slow but measured progress towards increasing the participation of women in formal decision-making processes, and that the progress that has been made has depended in large part on the extensive mobilization of local and trans-national women's peace networks. At the same time, most Afghan and East Timorese women were unaffected by the increased formal participation of women, as they faced heightened levels of gendered violence and economic insecurity. This experience confirms the need use the Resolution to move beyond issues of participation, important as they are, to changing the militarized and imperial gender stereotypes that have played such a central role in maintaining militarism and the secondary status of women. Only then will the Council's deficit in gender legitimacy be reversed in an emancipatory way. (Abstract from Social Sciences Research Network) 

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Feminisms, Gender, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Peace and Security, International Organizations, Militarism, Political Participation, Security, UN Security Council Resolutions on WPS, UNSCR 1325 Regions: Asia, South Asia, Oceania Countries: Afghanistan, Timor-Leste

Year: 2004

When Are States Hypermasculine?

Citation:

Maruska, Jennifer Heeg. 2010. “When Are States Hypermasculine?” In Gender and International Security: Feminist Perspectives, edited by Laura Sjoberg, 235-55. Oxon: Routledge.

Author: Jennifer Heeg Maruska

Annotation:

Summary: 
"By using gender as a theoretical tool, I will demonstrate how American hegemonic masculinity—or a significant subsection of it—became hypermasculine in the days, months, and years following September 11, 2001. This development is key to understanding how the war Iraq was sold to and bought by the American people. The consequences of this hypermasculinity include popular support for the March 2003 invasion of Iraq as well as the re-election of President George W. Bush in 2004. In this chapter, I will elaborate the concepts of hegemonic masculinity and hypermasculinity, based on previous theorizing (largely by R. W. Connell and Charlotte Hooper). I will then apply these principles to the post-9/11 era, suggesting that both the Bush administration (the agent) and American mainstream culture itself (the structure) contributed to the invasion of Iraq. By applying a gender-sensitive lens, and putting hypermasculinity into a historical context, both the decision to invade Iraq and the popular support such an idea received will be made much clearer" (Maruska 2010, 236).

Topics: Gender, Masculinity/ies, Gender Analysis, Gendered Discourses, Gendered Power Relations, Security Regions: Americas, North America, Asia, Middle East Countries: Iraq, United States of America

Year: 2010

Authoritarianism in the Hypermasculinized State: Hybridity, Patriarchy, and Capitalism in Korea

Citation:

Han, Jongwoo, and L. H. M Ling. 1998. “Authoritarianism in the Hypermasculinized State: Hybridity, Patriarchy, and Capitalism in Korea.” International Studies Quarterly 42 (1): 53–78.

Authors: Jongwoo Han, L. H. M Ling

Abstract:

Authoritarianism in East Asia's capitalist developmental state (CDS) is highly gendered. A hybrid product of Western masculinist capitalism and Confucian parental governance, CDS authoritarianism takes on a hypermasculinized developmentalism that assumes all the rights and privileges of classical Confucian patriarchy for the state while assigning to society the characteristics of classical Confucian womanhood: diligence, discipline, and deference. Society subsequently bears the burden of economic development without equal access to political representation or voice. Women in the CDS now face three tiers of patriarchal authority and exploitation: family, state, and economy. Nevertheless, new opportunities for democratization may arise even in the hypermasculinized state. We suggest: (1) em- phasizing substantive, notjust procedural, democratization, (2) exercising a maternalized discourse of dissent, and (3) applying hybrid strategies of social mobilization across states, societies, cultures, and movements. South Korea during the 1960s-1970s serves as our case study.

Topics: Economies, Feminisms, Gender, Gender Analysis, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Governance, Political Economies Regions: Asia, East Asia Countries: South Korea

Year: 1998

New Patriotisms: The Beauty Queen and the Bomb

Citation:

Sangari, Kumkum. 2004. “New Patriotisms: The Beauty Queen and the Bomb.” In From Gender to Nation, edited by Rada Ivekovic and Julie Mostov, 153–70. New Delhi: Zubaan.

Author: Kumkum Sangari

Annotation:

Summary:
"The significant literature on gender and nationalism generated in the past decade shows that the emphasis on women as biological reproducers or members of a bounded collectivity, and the centrality of womanhood to the ideological reproduction of the nation are common to a variety of nationalisms. Yet the ideological distinctions between nationalisms remain significant. Given the intertwined legacies of colonialism, the patriarchal assumptions in nationalism, and the particularism of the Hindu right-wing, definitions of Indian culture have always been problematic, especially in the way they cast the "nation" as an entity affected and endangered by the "west". The secular, multireligious or more inclusive nationalisms that emerged in the colonial period were implicated in the specific types of antifeminism and new conservatism that crystallized around anticolonialism; however, they cannot be confused with the obsessive particularisms that attempted to seize nationalism and twist it to their own ends. These particularisms sought the aura of nationalism but pushed for a single majoritarian religious identity, and a tighter patriarchy by polarizing an alien, "selfgenerated" and modem "west". Neither anticolonialism, nor antiwesternism, nor antimodernity could guarantee national authenticity since they were shaped in a two-way cultural traffic marked by recursivity, transformation, resistance and ideological collaboration. They, did however, produce a powerful imaginary India exemplified in its nonmodern or antimodern areas (notably a subsuming religiosity and chaste, self-sacrificing women) to be preserved, an India that was most emphatically (though not exclusively) deployed by the Hindu right" (Sangari 2004, 153).

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Gender, Gendered Discourses, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Nationalism, Religion, Security, Weapons /Arms Regions: Asia, South Asia Countries: India

Year: 2004

The Little Mermaid’s Silent Security Dilemma and the Absence of Gender in the Copenhagen School

Citation:

Hansen, Lene. 2000. “The Little Mermaid’s Silent Security Dilemma and the Absence of Gender in the Copenhagen School.” Millennium: Journal of International Studies 29 (2): 285–306.

Author: Lene Hansen

Annotation:

Summary:
"The article proceeds in three parts, the first introduces the Copenhagen School’s theory of securitization and security as a speech act in more detail. The second part argues the importance of the ‘security as silence’ and ‘subsuming security’ problems. It confronts the common response to calls for the inclusion of gender in security analysis: that it falls under the category of social security, not ‘proper’ national security, and that it concerns individual, not collective security. Through a discussion of the case of honour killings in Pakistan, both of these claims are countered, and it is shown that gender insecurity concerns not only social redistribution but fundamental questions of survival, and that the security of particular individuals is deeply embedded in collective constructions of subjectivity and security. Drawing on the work of Judith Butler, the third part suggests that a theory of gender and security should consider the importance of the body within the speech act. Second, that the focus on whether to expand the concept of security should be supplemented with a theory of what conditions the construction of ‘security problems’. This involves an approach to security which foregrounds the role of practice, in particular how political practices depend upon and reinforce subjectivity, and how practices of security might strive to individualise security problems thereby taking them out of the public and political domain" (Hansen 2000, 287).

Topics: Gender, Women, Men, Gender-Based Violence, Security, Sexual Violence Regions: Asia, South Asia Countries: Pakistan

Year: 2000

Climate Disaster, Gender, and Violence: Men's Infliction of Harm Upon Women in the Philippines and Vietnam

Citation:

Nguyen, Huong T., and Helle Rydstrom. 2018. “Climate Disaster, Gender, and Violence: Men’s Infliction of Harm Upon Women in the Philippines and Vietnam.” Women’s Studies International Forum 71: 56–62.

Authors: Huong T. Nguyen, Helle Rydstrom

Annotation:

Summary: 
"Drawing on ethnographic material which we have collected in the Philippines and Vietnam in the aftermath of the 2013 typhoons Haiyan (Yolanda) and Nari, we focus on men's violence against women in the domestic sphere prior to and in the wake of a climate disaster. We do so by unfolding women's experiences of being subjected to their male partner's abuse and by examining how gender-based violence is conditioned or fought by agencies and organizations in the two studied settings. We engage with feminist research on climate disaster, gender, and violence to develop an analytical framework to dismantle how indirect systemic harm, or ‘structural violence’, shaped by androcentrism, interacts with direct physical violence through processes of‘rebounding’ (Bloch, 1992; Fraser, 1996; Galtung, 1969). In doing so, we argue for a holistic approach to the study of violence before, during, and after a cataclysmic event. The framework, we suggest, provides a tool to unravel how gender precariousness is fueled and maybe even augmented by a crisis of emergency" (Nguyen and Rydstrom 2018, 56). 

Topics: Domestic Violence, Environment, Climate Change, Environmental Disasters, Gender, Gender-Based Violence, NGOs, Violence Regions: Asia, Southeast Asia Countries: Philippines, Vietnam

Year: 2018

Junk Feminism and Nuclear Wannabes: Collaging Parodies of Iran and North Korea

Citation:

Särmä, Saara. 2014. “Junk Feminism and Nuclear Wannabes: Collaging Parodies of Iran and North Korea.” PhD diss., Tampere University.

Author: Saara Särmä

Abstract:

Nuclear weapons have been a great source of intense negative sentiments, mainly fear, over the past 70 years. The intensity of these sentiments has fluctuated over the decades as the relative positions of and the relations between nuclear weapons states have shifted and changed. This doctoral dissertation deals with a different register of sentiments, equally familiar, but not often associated with the issue. It turns to sentiments that are more positive and examines laughter’s role in world politics. It focuses on the actors located at the bottom of the global nuclear order, namely nuclear wannabes. The global nuclear order is a hierarchy institutionalized in the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, which divides the world into nuclear haves and have-nots. Nuclear wannabes are those states that want to move from have-not to have by acquiring nuclear arsenals, i.e. Iran and North Korea. The dissertation explores (loosely western) everyday understandings of nuclear wannabes and argues that the global nuclear order is reproduced in humorous everyday representations of these states. It takes the internet and social media seriously as sites where everyday understandings are constituted. It argues that the knowledges produced in and through the internet are increasingly anecdotal and fragmented, and that humor and laughter play a role in the knowledge production and circulation. It looks at how laughter at actors depicted in internet parodies orders the global nuclear hierarchy, in particular, and orders the international more broadly. Furthermore, it examines the boundary conditions created by this laugher. The work situates theoretically in the transdisciplinary field of Feminist International Relations and sees gender as relational, performative, and hierarchical. To engage with the fragmented mode of knowledge and random collection of “stuff” (research material) an art based methodology is developed. Junk feminist collaging experiments with a playful mode of doing research, which advocates for openness and creativity in research; for modes of writing and expression that disrupt the hierarchical relationship with the author and the reader; and for doing research by making art. The collages created during the research process and presented as part of this dissertation are a unique intervention. This intervention challenges the priority of text over images in conventional academic modes of presenting research and invites the reader/viewer to participate actively in meaning making. The collages visualize the ways in which nuclear wannabes are gendered and sexualized, as these processes are central to the creation, recreation and maintenance of the hierarchical international order.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Feminisms, Gender, Weapons /Arms Regions: MENA, Asia, East Asia, Middle East Countries: Iran, North Korea

Year: 2014

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