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What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas

Citation:

Thomson, Jennifer. 2020. “What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas.” International Studies Perspectives.  doi:10.1093/isp/ekz032. 

Author: Jennifer Thomson

Abstract:

ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
Across politics and public discourse, feminism is experiencing a global renaissance. Yet feminist academic work is divided over the burgeoning use of the term, particularly in reference to economic and international development policy. For some, feminism has been co-opted for neoliberal economic ends; for others, it remains a critical force across the globe. This article explores the nascent feminist foreign policies of Sweden and Canada. Employing a discourse analysis of both states’ policy documents, it asks what the term “feminist” meant in preliminary attempts at constructing a feminist foreign policy. It argues that although both use the term “feminist,” they understand the term very differently, with Sweden centering it in domestic and international commitments to change, while Canada places greater emphasis on the private sector. This suggests that this policy agenda is still developing its central concepts, and is thus ripe for intervention on the part of policymakers and civil society organizations.

SPANISH ABSTRACT:
A través de la política y el discurso público, el feminismo está experimentando un renacimiento global. Sin embargo, el trabajo académico feminista está dividido por el uso creciente del término, particularmente en referencia a la política de desarrollo económico e internacional. Para algunos, el feminismo ha sido cooptado para fines económicos neoliberales; para otros, sigue siendo una fuerza fundamental en todo el mundo. Este artículo analiza las incipientes políticas exteriores feministas de Suecia y Canadá. Al emplear un análisis del discurso de los documentos de las políticas de ambos estados, se pregunta qué significaba el término «feminista» en los intentos preliminares de construir una política exterior feminista. Se argumenta que si bien ambos estados usan el término «feminista», entienden el término de manera muy diferente, ya que Suecia se centra en los compromisos nacionales e internacionales de cambio, mientras que Canadá pone un mayor énfasis en el sector privado. Esto sugiere que este proyecto aún está desarrollando sus conceptos centrales; por lo tanto, es propicio para la intervención de los responsables de formular políticas y las organizaciones de la sociedad civil.

FRENCH ABSTRACT:
On assiste actuellement à une renaissance du féminisme dans la politique et le débat public à l’échelle mondiale. Cependant, les spécialistes académiques du féminisme sont divisés sur l'utilisation naissante du terme, notamment en référence à la politique économique et de développement international. Pour certains, le féminisme a été coopté à des fins économiques néolibérales ; pour d'autres, il demeure une force majeure dans le monde. Cet article étudie les politiques étrangères féministes naissantes de la Suède et du Canada. S'appuyant sur une analyse du discours de la politique des deux états, il s'interroge sur le sens entendu du terme « féministe » lors des premières tentatives d’élaboration d'une politique étrangère féministe. Il soutient que, bien que les deux états utilisent le terme « féministe », ils le comprennent de manière très différente : en effet, la Suède place le féminisme au cœur des engagements nationaux et internationaux de changement, tandis que le Canada le situe davantage dans le domaine privé. Cela suggère que cet agenda politique est encore en train de développer ses concepts centraux et que, par conséquent, le moment est venu pour les décideurs politiques et les organisations de la société civile d'intervenir.

Keywords: feminism, feminist theory, foreign policy, feminist foreign policy, sweden, Canada

Topics: Civil Society, Development, Economies, Feminisms, Feminist Foreign Policy Regions: Americas, North America, Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Canada, Sweden

Year: 2020

Evaluating the Effectiveness of Sexual and Reproductive Health Services during Humanitarian Crises: A Systematic Review

Citation:

Singh, Neha S., James Smith, Sarindi Aryasinghe, Rajat Khosla, Lale Say, and Karl Blanchet. 2018.  “Evaluating the Effectiveness of Sexual and Reproductive Health Services during Humanitarian Crises: A Systematic Review.” PLoS One 13 (7): 1-19.

Authors: Neha S. Singh, James Smith, Sarindi Aryasinghe, Rajat Khosla, Lale Say, Karl Blanchet

Abstract:

Background

An estimated 32 million women and girls of reproductive age living in emergency situations, all of whom require sexual and reproductive health (SRH) information and services. This systematic review assessed the effect of SRH interventions, including the Minimum Initial Service Package (MISP) on a range of health outcomes from the onset of emergencies.

Methods and findings

We searched EMBASE, Global Health, MEDLINE and PsychINFO databases from January 1, 1980 to April 10, 2017. This review was registered with the PROSPERO database with identifier number CRD42017082102. We found 29 studies meet the inclusion criteria. We found high quality evidence to support the effectiveness of specific SRH interventions, such as home visits and peer-led educational and counselling, training of lower-level health care providers, community health workers (CHWs) to promote SRH services, a three-tiered network of health workers providing reproductive and maternal health services, integration of HIV and SRH services, and men’s discussion groups for reducing intimate partner violence. We found moderate quality evidence to support transport-based referral systems, community-based SRH education, CHW delivery of injectable contraceptives, wider literacy programmes, and birth preparedness interventions. No studies reported interventions related to fistulae, and only one study focused on abortion services.

Conclusions

Despite increased attention to SRH in humanitarian crises, the sector has made little progress in advancing the evidence base for the effectiveness of SRH interventions, including the MISP, in crisis settings. A greater quantity and quality of more timely research is needed to ascertain the effectiveness of delivering SRH interventions in a variety of humanitarian crises.

 

 

Annotation:

Summary:
“In relation to the typology of humanitarian crisis, 24 studies (82.8%) were conducted in areas affected by armed conflict, and the two multi-site studies (6.9%) were conducted in areas affected by both armed conflict and natural disasters. The remaining three studies (10.3%) were conducted in areas affected by a natural disaster: the first study focused on the 2005 earthquake in northern Pakistan; the second study focused on the 2013 Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines; and the third study was conducted in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake in Haiti” (Singh et al. 2018, 5).

Topics: Armed Conflict, Domestic Violence, Education, Environment, Environmental Disasters, Gender, Women, Girls, Health, HIV/AIDS, Reproductive Health, Humanitarian Assistance Regions: Americas, Caribbean countries, Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia Countries: Haiti, Pakistan, Philippines

Year: 2018

Women and 'New Wars' in El Salvador

Citation:

Applebaum, Anna, and Briana Mawby. 2018. “Women and ‘New Wars’ in El Salvador.” Stability: International Journal of Security & Development 7 (1): 1-15.

Authors: Anna Applebaum, Briana Mawby

Abstract:

The most violent countries in the world are increasingly countries considered ‘at peace’. From Honduras to Mexico to South Africa, armed violence, often by gangs, has led to high levels of casualties. Disruption of daily life due to armed violence is similar to the challenges experienced during wartime, though often without the markers or recognition associated with war. With gang violence primarily viewed as a domestic criminal issue, external support for conflict mitigation and humanitarian assistance is often low. Yet the disruptive impact of such high rates of violence is significant, and the humanitarian impact is severe. New theoretical frameworks are needed to better problematize extreme armed violence in ‘peacetime’ states. This article seeks to bring an understanding of the severity of armed violence in states such as El Salvador into engagement with the critical and theoretical foundations of the women, peace and security (WPS) field. Gendered dynamics shape gang violence in El Salvador, and a gender lens helps reimagine its impact. Aligning critical theory with the lived experience of this subset of armed conflict allows new directions for engagement and, in particular, offers the opportunity to re-examine long-standing assumptions of what initiates, maintains, and challenges armed violence by non-state actors in communities considered ‘at peace.’ This article seeks to encourage greater debate and scholarship to inform our understandings of armed conflict and gender in communities affected by gang violence, such as those in El Salvador. In these communities, the level of violence often replicates the experiences of war, and thus a WPS lens is a critical tool for analysis. 

Topics: Armed Conflict, "New Wars", Gender, Humanitarian Assistance, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Non-state Armed Groups, UN Security Council Resolutions on WPS, Violence Regions: Americas, Central America Countries: El Salvador

Year: 2018

Cleared for Investment? The Intersections of Transnational Capital, Gender, and Race in the Production of Sexual Violence and Internal Displacement in Colombia's Armed Conflict

Citation:

Sachseder, Julia. 2020. “Cleared for investment? The Intersections of Transnational Capital, Gender, and Race in the Production of Sexual Violence and Internal Displacement in Colombia’s Armed Conflict.” International Feminist Journal of Politics 22 (2): 162-86.

Author: Julia Sachseder

Abstract:

ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
Investigating the nexus of transnational capital, gender, and race, I argue that sexual violence and internal displacement tacitly serve the interest of transnational corporations (TNCs). Drawing on extensive ethnographic research in war-torn regions in Colombia, I elucidate how violence is deeply intertwined in the globalization of neoliberal capitalism and operates by exploiting and instrumentalizing constructions of gender and race that are articulated through colonial legacies and further dehumanize the “Other.” The focus on intersectional power relations advances a critical understanding of the political economy of armed conflict. First, it reveals how local and global (economic) actors are entrenched in exacerbating local forms of domination that produce sexual violence and internal displacement through a particular political economy of masculinity and neoliberal forms of expansion and exploitation. Beyond that, both forms of violence are not only the product of colonial, capitalist, and gendered structures and ideas but also serve to re-entrench these power relations between dominant and subaltern groups. I conceptualize this relationship as the “coloniality of violence.” It constitutes a shared space for violent forms of domination and appropriation that facilitates capital accumulation, and it may further foster a relation of structural oppression in “post-conflict” Colombia.
 
GERMAN ABSTRACT:
Mit Blick auf das Verhältnis von transnationalem Kapital, Geschlecht und “race” wird in diesem Artikel erarbeitet, wie sexuelle Gewalt und innere Vertreibung dem Interesse transnationaler Konzerne dienen. Auf Basis umfassender ethnografischer Forschung in einigen vom Krieg betroffenen Regionen Kolumbiens zeige ich den Zusammenhang zwischen politischer Gewalt und der Globalisierung des neoliberalen Kapitalismus auf. Dieser beutet Konstruktionen von Geschlecht und “race” aus, die im Kolonialismus verankert sind. Der Rückgriff und die Instrumentalisierung dieser (post)kolonialen Zuschreibungen helfen dabei, bestimmte Gruppen in Begriffen “der Anderen” zu kategorisieren und sie weitgehend zu dehumanisieren. Der Fokus auf intersektionale Macht- und Herrschaftsverhältnisse trägt somit zu einem kritischen Verständnis der politischen Ökonomie bewaffneter Konflikte bei. Erstens wird aufgezeigt, wie lokale und globale (ökonomische) Akteure soziale Ungleichheiten verstärken und durch eine spezifische politische Ökonomie von Männlichkeit und neoliberale Formen der Expansion und Ausbeutung sexuelle Gewalt und innerer Vertreibung hervorbringen. Darüber hinaus ist politische Gewalt nicht nur das Produkt kolonialer, kapitalistischer und geschlechtsspezifischer Strukturen und Diskurse sondern dient auch dazu, diese gesellschaftlichen Verhältnisse zwischen dominanten und subalternen Gruppen zu verfestigen. Dieses Verhältnis fasse ich mit dem Begriff der “Kolonialität der Gewalt.” Dieser stellt einen gemeinsamen Raum für gewaltvolle Formen der Beherrschung und Aneignung dar, der Kapitalakkumulation erleichtert und strukturelle Unterdrückung in der sogenannten Nachkriegszeit in Kolumbien forciert.
 
SPANISH ABSTRACT:
En mi investigación sobre la interrelación entre capital transnacional y formas de opresión basadas en concepciones de género y raza argumento que la violencia sexual y el desplazamiento interno sirven implícitamente a los intereses de los grandes grupos transnacionales. Partiendo de una investigación etnográfica integral en regiones afectadas por el conflicto armado en Colombia ilustro de qué manera la violencia está asociada a la globalización del capitalismo neoliberal y explico el mecanismo funcional subyacente que consiste en instrumentalizar y explotar construcciones de género y de raza que se manifiestan a través de históricos vínculos coloniales los cuales contribuyen a deshumanizar al “Otro.” El objetivo consiste en alcanzar una comprensión crítica de la economía política en el marco de un conflicto armado a través de un enfoque centrado en la interseccionalidad de las relaciones de poder. De esta manera se revela el arraigo profundo de las actores (económicos) locales y globales en formas locales de dominio, fenómenos que a su vez contribuyen a exacerbar la violencia sexual y el desplazamiento interno en Colombia por medio de una economía política basada en un determinado concepto de masculinidad y en formas neoliberales de expansión y explotación. Así mismo, ambas formas de violencia no solamente se pueden ver como resultado de determinadas estructuras e ideas coloniales, capitalistas y de género sino que sirven también para consolidar tales relaciones de poder entre grupos dominantes y subalternos. Conceptualizo esta relación cómo “colonialidad de violencia” que a su vez constituye un escenario compartido para formas violentas de dominación y apropiación. Considerada en su conjunto la colonialidad de violencia fomenta la acumulación de capital estimulando de esta manera una relación de opresión estructural y violenta en la Colombia del llamado “posconflicto.”

Keywords: gender, race, transnational capital, sexual violence, Colombian armed conflict

Topics: Armed Conflict, Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Displacement & Migration, IDPs, Economies, Gender, Masculinity/ies, Gendered Power Relations, Intersectionality, Political Economies, Post-Conflict, Race, Sexual Violence, Violence Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2020

The Transformative Potential of Gender Justice in the Land Restitution Programme in Colombia

Citation:

von Au, Anne Kathrin. 2013. "The Transformative Potential of Gender Justice in the Land Restitution Programme in Colombia." Revista Deusto de Derechos Humanos 11: 207-39.

Author: Anne Kathrin von Au

Abstract:

ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
This paper studies the existence of elements of gender justice in the ongoing land restitution process in Colombia, in order to analyse the potential of the Land Restitution Programme to contribute to the elimination of structural violence against women and the resulting gender inequalities. In this context, the sources of the analysis comprises the Victims’ and Land Restitution Law of 2011, the implementation programmes by the Land Restitution Unit, and the sentences by the specialized judges for land restitution. The paper argues that the land restitution programme could contribute to the elimination of structural forms of discrimination and exclusion of women in the Colombian society, if the elements of gender justice are applied in a coherent and systematic way and if it is accompa- nied by additional measures aimed at reducing the high security risks for internally displaced women in the land restitution process and changing the patriarchal system deeply rooted in the Colombian society.
SPANISH ABSTRACT:
Este artículo estudia la existencia de elementos de justicia de género en el actual proceso de restitución de tierra en Colombia para analizar el potencial del Programa de Restitución de Tierras en la contribución a la eliminación de violencia estructural contra mujeres internamente desplazadas y las inequidades resultantes. En este contexto, las principales fuentes de datos para el análisis son la Ley de Víctimas y Restitución de Tierras de 2011, las programas de acción de la Unidad de Restitución de Tierras y las sentencias de los jueces especializados en la restitución de tierras. Este trabajo sostiene que el programa de restitución de tierras podría contribuir a la eliminación de formas estructurales de discriminación y exclusión de mujeres en la sociedad colombiana si los elementos de la justicia de género son aplicados de una manera coherente y sistemática, y si van acompañadas por medidas adicionales enfocadas a reducir el alto riesgo para mujeres internamente desplazadas en dicho proceso y a cambiar el sistema patriarcal, firmemente arraigada en la sociedad colombiana.

 

Keywords: transitional justice, displacement, land restitution, gender justice, structural violence, transformative justice, differential approach, justicia transicional, desplazamiento, restitución de tierra, justicia de género, violencia estructural, justicia transformativa, enfoque diferencial

Topics: Displacement & Migration, IDPs, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Gender Equality/Inequality, Justice, Transitional Justice, Rights, Land Rights, Security Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2013

Reasons of Gender. Gender, Household Composition and Land Restitution Process in Colombia

Citation:

García-Reyes, Paola, and Henrik Wiig. 2020. "Reasons of Gender. Gender, Household Composition and Land Restitution Process in Colombia. Journal of Rural Studies 75: 89-97. 

Authors: Paola García-Reyes, Henrik Wiig

Abstract:

This article analyses the gender context of the land restitution process in Colombia using our own survey data of beneficiaries in Montes de María region on the Atlantic Coast. We find that the fulfilment of legal gender provisions takes place in cultural frames and social structures that could undermine the program's gender distributive potential. As studies on land policies and their gender impacts show, context matters greatly. Our findings confirm main insights of earlier literature with respect to occupation, origin of property and household composition as sources of gender differentiation in Latin America, but advance the agenda in two directions: by showing more nuanced differences between genders, and by highlighting the relevance of household composition in respondents’ decision-making. In particular, it is more likely that women live in one-parent households than men. Furthermore, female respondents expect other family members to work their land, while male respondents intend to work the land themselves. Such differences might have distributional effects so far not sufficiently understood and investigated.

 

Keywords: rural policies, gender, households composition, land restitution, land property

Topics: Gender, Land Tenure, Households, Livelihoods, Post-Conflict Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2020

Black Women’s Struggles against Extractivism, Land Dispossession, and Marginalization in Colombia

Citation:

Hernández Reyes, Castriela Esther. 2019. "Black Women’s Struggles against Extractivism, Land Dispossession, and Marginalization in Colombia." Latin American Perspectives 46 (2): 217-34.

Author: Castriela Esther Hernández Reyes

Abstract:

ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
The neocolonial turn toward extractivism intensifies the use of violence while fostering land dispossession, racism, and militarization of social life. Afro-Colombian women resist this process by using their subjectivities politically, strategically, discursively, and textually. An examination through the lens of black/decolonial feminism of the first national Mobilization for the Care of Life and Ancestral Territories, led by 40 black women from the Department of Cauca in 2014, shows that black women’s emotions and collective affections were driving forces that exhibited both their exclusions and their resistance. These feelings may be seen as catalysts through which their lived experiences are expressed and performed in the material world. Examination of this event suggests that a more radical analysis of black women’s historicity, subjectivities, and struggles is needed to better capture and understand experience-based epistemologies that challenge hegemonic forms of knowledge production.
SPANISH ABSTRACT:
El giro neocolonial hacia el extractivismo intensifica el uso de la violencia al tiempo que fomenta el despojo de tierras, el racismo y la militarización de la vida social. Las mujeres afrocolombianas se resisten a este proceso utilizando sus subjetividades políticas, estratégica, discursiva y textualmente. Un examen a través del feminismo negro/decolonial de la primera movilización nacional por el Cuidado de la Vida y los Territorios Ancestrales, liderada por 40 mujeres negras del Departamento del Cauca en 2014, revele que las emociones y los afectos colectivos de las mujeres negras fueron fuerzas impulsoras que exibian tanto sus exclusiones como sus formas de resistencia. Estos sentimientos pueden verse como catalizadores a través de los cuales sus experiencias vividas se expresan y realizan en el mundo material. El examen de este evento sugiere que se necesita un análisis más radical de la historicidad, las subjetividades y las luchas de las mujeres afrodescendientes para captar y comprender mejor las epistemologías basadas en la experiencia que desafían las formas hegemónicas de producción de conocimiento.

Keywords: Afro-Colombian women, neocolonial extractivism, racialized capitalism, Afro-aesthetic and emotion politics, political subjectivities, black/decolonial feminism

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Ethnicity, Feminisms, Extractive Industries, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militarization, Political Participation, Race, Rights, Land Rights, Violence Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2019

Las mujeres rurales y su derecho a la tierra: retos de la política pública en Colombia

Citation:

Gómez Mendoza, María Juliana, and Luisa Paola Sanabria Torres. 2020. "Las mujeres rurales y su derecho a la tierra: retos de la política pública en Colombia." Trabajo Social 22 (1): 85-104.

 

Authors: María Juliana Gómez Mendoza, Luisa Paola Sanabria Torres

Abstract:

SPANISH ABSTRACT:
El presente artículo es resultado de una experiencia en la formulación y ejecución de la política pública de restitución de tierras y del acompañamiento al programa de ordenamiento social de la propiedad rural de la Agencia Nacional de Tierras. La incorporación del enfoque de género en estas políticas involucra tres elementos centrales: el reconocimiento de las mujeres como propietarias de los predios, el aumento de su participación en espacios de decisión y la promoción del recono- cimiento de los derechos de las mujeres entre los funcionarios públicos.
 
ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
The article is the result of an experience in the formulation and execution of the land restitution public policy and the accompaniment provided to the program for the social organization of rural property, carried out by the National Land Agency. The incorporation of gender mainstreaming into these policies involves three main elements: recognition of women as owners of the properties; increased participation of women in decision-making spaces; and promotion among civil servants of the recognition of women’s rights.

 

Keywords: derecho a la tierra, discriminación, enfoque de género, política pública, tierra, discrimination, gender mainstreaming, land, public policy, right to land, women

Topics: Gender, Women, Gender Mainstreaming, Land Tenure, Governance, Political Participation, Rights, Land Rights, Property Rights, Women's Rights Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2020

Mujeres campesinas, capitalismo e implementación de los Acuerdos de Paz en Dabeiba, Antioquia (Colombia)

Citation:

Franco, Yeny Pino, and Yesica Paola Naranjo. 2018. "Mujeres campesinas, capitalismo e implementación de los Acuerdos de Paz en Dabeiba, Antioquia (Colombia)." Revista Kavilando 10 (1): 112-36. 

Authors: Yeny Pino Franco, Yesica Paola Naranjo

Abstract:

SPANISH ABSTRACT:
El aparato institucional del estado Colombiano está en confrontación con las demandas sociales; al día de hoy se niega a reconocer al campesinado como un grupo con unas condiciones sociales e históricas de discriminación, con una identidad en relación con la tierra y el territorio, históricamente vulnerado tanto por la guerra como por el modelo de desarrollo económico que requiere de medidas especiales para el goce de sus derechos, de igual forma se niegan a reconocer a la mujer campesina y su aporte a la economía nacional como sujeto que tiene unas condiciones de vulnerabilidad, y con grandes afectaciones por el conflicto armado. Por ello, la misma institucionalidad Estado, termina generando, desde su aparato jurídico y político, exclusión, discriminación y violencia hacia el campesinado y más, sobre la mujer campesina.
 
ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
The institutional apparatus of the Colombian State is in confrontation with social demands. Today it refuses to recognize the peasantry as a group with social and historical conditions of discrimination, with an identity in relation to land and territory, which is historically violated by both war and the model of economic development, which requires special measures for the enjoyment of their rights. Likewise, they refuse to recognize the peasant woman and her contribution to the national economy as a subject, who has conditions of vulnerability, and who is highly affected by the armed conflict. Therefore, the same institutionality, the State, ends up generating, from its legal and political apparatus, exclusion, discrimination, and violence toward the peasantry and more, on the peasant woman.

 

Keywords: Mujeres, mujer campesina, Conflicto Armado, acuerdos de paz en Colombia, exclusión y violencia, women, peasant women, armed conflict, peace agreements in Colombia, exclusion, and violence

Topics: Armed Conflict, Class, Economies, Poverty, Gender, Women, Livelihoods, Post-Conflict, Peace Processes, Rights, Violence Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2018

Revealing the Patriarchal Sides of Climate Change Adaptation through Intersectionality: a Case Study from Nicaragua

Citation:

Gonda, Noémi. 2017. “Revealing the Patriarchal Sides of Climate Change Adaptation through Intersectionality: a Case Study from Nicaragua.” In Understanding Climate Change through Gender Relations, edited by Susan Buckingham and Virginie Le Masson, 173-190. London: Routledge.

 

Author: Noémi Gonda

Abstract:

Nicaragua is the third most climate change-affected country in the world and its government identifies climate change adaptation as one of its key priorities. Since the early 2010s, this national priority is translated into measures that support rural populations to adapt to climate change impacts. This chapter explains how a discursive construction of nature as 'our own Mother' in post-neoliberal Nicaragua has contributed to giving women a primary place in climate change discourses and projects while the mainstream masculinist and science-oriented discourse is underlying the way climate change adaptation interventions are conceived. It also presents an argument that feminist scholars and practitioners need to engage more systematically with gendered climate change politics, in particular by mobilizing the intersectional perspective that simultaneously addresses the multifaceted oppressions climate change politics may reproduce, even though they include 'gender concerns'.

Topics: Environment, Climate Change, Feminisms, Gender, Gendered Discourses, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Masculinism Regions: Americas, Central America Countries: Nicaragua

Year: 2017

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