Colombia

The Colombian Land Restitution Programme: Process, Results and Challenges, with Special Emphasis on Women

Citation:

García Godos, Jemima, and Henrik Wiig. 2014. The Colombian Land Restitution Programme: Process, Results and Challenges, with Special Emphasis on Women. Oslo: Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research.

Authors: Jemima García Godos, Henrik Wiig

Annotation:

Summary:
Since 2011, Colombia is embarked in an ambitious program of land and property restitution for the more than 5 million internally displaced people who fled their homes and lands due to the internal armed conflict. The restitution process involves the return of IDPs as well as the formalization of property rights. In spite of great initial optimism, by mid-2014 only 20.000 HA of land have been restituted. This report gives a detailed description of the process itself, discussing the many challenges that have risen, including the consideration to innocent third parties farming the land today and the hesitancy among IDPs to return to their land. Furthermore, the report discusses some alternatives that might ease the restitution process and the implications of restitution in a prospective scenario of land reform, given the ongoing peace negotiations between the government and the guerrilla.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Displacement & Migration, IDPs, Gender, Women, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Post-Conflict, Peace Processes, Rights, Land Rights Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2014

Tres años despues de la firma del Acuerdo Final en Colombia: hacia la transformación territorial

Citation:

KROC Institute for International Peace Studies. 2020. Tres años despues de la firma del Acuerdo Final en Colombia: hacia la transformación territorial. Bogotá: KROC Institute.

Author: KROC Institute

Annotation:

Summary: 
Three years after the signing of the final peace accord between the Government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC-EP or FARC, in Spanish), the implementation process has come to a crucial point of transformation. The armed conflict with the former guerrilla group has ended, and the new institutional framework to execute the measures of the Agreement has been established. The process is entering a new territorial phase in which it is necessary to expand upon on previous achievements and transform the areas most affected by violence, a great challenge for building a stable and lasting peace. Priorities include reducing socioeconomic gaps between rural and urban areas, ensuring the long-term reincorporation of ex-combatants, guaranteeing the rights of victims, and advancing crosscutting measures regarding ethnicity and gender. 
 
In the first two years, implementation focused on short-term commitments, such as the definitive cease-fire, the laying down of arms, the creation of the institutional architecture for peace, and the design of plans and programs contemplated in the agreement. Between December 2018 and November 2019, implementation progressed a total of 6%. To understand this result, it is important to examine the contents and timing of the stipulations. With many short-term stipulations already completed, implementation shifted in 2019 towards the medium- and longterm commitments, especially those focused on the territories most affected by the armed conflict. This new phase requires greater interinstitutional coordination and intense deployment at the local level. Therefore, more time is needed to finalize their implementation.
 
To better understand the timing of the stipulations that the Kroc Institute monitors, the Framework Plan for Implementation (PMI, in Spanish) provides for their categorization into short- (2017–2019), medium- (2020–2022), and long-term commitments (2023–2031), according to their start and end dates. The analysis of the PMI shows that progress was made during the third year of implementation, including on indicators whose completion is scheduled for the medium and long terms. 
 
The PMI analysis identifies the commitments that were finalized during the first period (2017–2019), as well as others that are incomplete and that are necessary to promote implementation in the future. For the second period (2020–2022), the analysis also finds that half of the commitments are likely to be completed on time. Completion of the remaining commitments in their corresponding timeframes will require accelerating the current pace of implementation. For the third period (2023–2031), an important number of long-term initiatives will need to begin implementation in the next two years. 
 
The report presents a quantitative analysis that shows that at the end of the third year of implementation, according to the methodology used by the Barometer Initiative, 25% of stipulations have been fully implemented. Another 15% of stipulations are at an intermediate level of progress, meaning that they are on their way to being fully implemented in their corresponding timelines. A further 34% of commitments are at a minimal state of implementation, having started but made marginal progress. The remaining 26% of commitments have yet to be initiated.
 
The report presents qualitative analyses focused on the cross-cutting approaches and each of the six points of the agreement, all with a territorial lens. One of the promises of the final peace accord is to transform the conditions that generated and fueled the armed conflict, including the  notion that the State lacks legitimacy. The active and effective participation in the implementation of the agreement by civil society and communities affected by violence is central to increasing public confidence in the process and strengthening the legitimacy of the State.
 
Fulfilling the whole of the accord, including the cross-cutting approaches, is necessary in order to guarantee quality implementation and to build sustainable peace. The analysis shows that, nonetheless, there is a gap between the implementation of the stipulations related to ethnic and gender approaches and that of the final agreement in general. The low level of progress is explained partly by a lack of incorporation of these approaches into norms, plans, and programs. Specifically, the stipulations focused on gender are mostly medium and long term. This highlights the importance of accelerating implementation to advance structural reforms for peace, as the Kroc Institute highlighted in the second gender report at the end of 2019. (Summary from KROC Institute)

Topics: DDR, Ethnicity, Gender, Post-Conflict, Peacebuilding, Rights, Land Rights Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2020

Homophobic Violence in Armed Conflict and Political Transition

Citation:

Serrano-Amaya, José Fernando. 2018. Homophobic Violence in Armed Conflict and Political Transition. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

Author: José Fernando Serrano-Amaya

Annotation:

Summary:
This book argues that homophobia plays a fundamental role in disputes for hegemony between antagonists during political transitions. Examining countries not often connected in the same research—Colombia and South Africa—the book asserts that homophobia, as a form of gender and sexual violence, contributes to the transformation of gender and sexual orders required by warfare and deployed by armed groups. Anti-homosexual violence also reinforces the creation of consensus around these projects of change. The book considers the perspective of individuals and their organizations, for whom such hatreds are part of the embodied experience of violence caused by protracted conflicts and social inequalities. Resistance to that violence are reason to mobilize and become political actors. This book contributes to the increasing interest in South-South comparative analyses and the need of theory building based on case-study analyses, offering systematic research useful for grass root organizations, practitioners, and policy makers. (Summary from Palgrave Macmillian)

Table of Contents:
1. Introduction

2. Sex, Violence and Politics: The Research Problem

3. Armed Conflict and Sexual Para-politics in Colombia

4. Homophobia in Apartheid and Post-apartheid South Africa

5. The Chiaroscuro of Sexual Politics

6. Telling Truths About Violence

7. Gender and Sexual Orders Making the New Society

Topics: Armed Conflict, Gender, Gender-Based Violence, LGBTQ, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Post-Conflict, Sexuality, Sexual Violence, Violence Regions: Africa, Southern Africa, Americas, South America Countries: Colombia, South Africa

Year: 2018

Queering Colombia's Peace Process: A Case Study of LGBTI Inclusion

Citation:

Maier, Nicole. 2020. "Queering Colombia's Peace Process: A Case Study of LGBTI Inclusion." The International Journal of Human Rights 24 (4): 377-92.

Author: Nicole Maier

Abstract:

In August 2016, Colombia's government announced that they had reached an agreement with the country's largest guerrilla group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). This peace deal was historic in Colombia's more than half-century long armed conflict; however, Colombian voters rejected it. A revised version was ultimately passed through a congressional vote. Despite the intense domestic criticism of the peace talks, they have been praised internationally and revered as a model for the world, particularly with regard to their efforts surrounding victims of the armed conflict. This article focuses on one particular group of victims, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) individuals. The experience of LGBTI people in armed conflicts has historically been one of exclusion from peace processes. This article explores how Colombia's peace process has approached the LGBTI experience through interviews with LGBTI activists and analyses of collaborative civil society efforts. The actions taken by LGBTI organisations reveal the critical role of truth and memory initiatives and capacity building. While much work has been done, Colombia is left with many unanswered questions about what a post-conflict society will look like for LGBTI victims of the armed conflict.

Keywords: LGBT, victim, Colombia, armed conflict, transitional justice, peacebuilding

Topics: Armed Conflict, Civil Wars, Gender, Governance, Post-Conflict Governance, Justice, Transitional Justice, LGBTQ, Post-Conflict, Peacebuilding, Peace Processes, Sexuality Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2020

Cleansing the Caliphate: Insurgent Violence against Sexual Minorities

Citation:

Tschantret, Joshua. 2018. "Cleansing the Caliphate: Insurgent Violence against Sexual Minorities." International Studies Quarterly 62 (2): 260-73.

Author: Joshua Tschantret

Abstract:

Why do insurgents target certain groups for extermination? Despite a great deal of attention to the targeting of civilian ethnic minorities, comparatively little scholarship exists on insurgent violence against sexual minorities (lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transsexual individuals). This article maintains that the decision to target sexual minorities follows three distinct logics: two strategic and one ideological. First, insurgents face an incentive to outbid rivals by targeting sexual minorities when homophobic violence is politically and socially legitimated. Second, territorial control creates an incentive for insurgents to signal their ability to selectively punish, which they can accomplish through homophobic violence. Third, revolutionary ideologies provide legitimation for exclusionary violence in the pursuit of transforming society. Statistical analysis of insurgent violence against sexual minorities from 1985 to 2015 lends strong support for these arguments. Process tracing of the spread of violence against sexual minorities in Iraq and Syria clarifies the strategic causal mechanisms. When progovernment militias targeted perceived homosexuals with impunity, antigay violence was adopted by insurgent groups seeking to legitimize their claims to power; violence then quickly spread to competing insurgents. Two additional cases from Latin America demonstrate that ideology plays an important role in influencing which groups embrace homophobic violence even under these strategic constraints.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Conflict, LGBTQ, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militias, Sexuality, Violence Regions: MENA, Americas, South America, Asia, Middle East Countries: Colombia, Iraq, Peru, Syria

Year: 2018

Violence, Toleration, or Inclusion? Exploring Variation in the Experiences of LGBT Combatants in Colombia

Citation:

Thylin, Theresia. 2020. "Violence, Toleration, or Inclusion? Exploring Variation in the Experiences of LGBT Combatants in Colombia." Sexualities 23 (3): 445-64.

Author: Theresia Thylin

Abstract:

While scholars have started to pay increased attention to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) persons serving in state security forces, little is known of the experiences of LGBT combatants operating in non-state armed groups in conflict settings. This article explores the experiences of LGBT persons from three different armed groups in Colombia. While LGBT combatants are often in a highly vulnerable position, this article reveals large differences between armed groups, as well as important exceptions within groups that contribute to LGBT combatants’ varied experiences. In conclusion, I argue that understanding these variations in LGBT combatants’ experiences has important policy and programme implications and provides opportunities for more inclusive peacebuilding processes in Colombia and beyond.

Keywords: armed conflict, Colombia, combatants, FARC, LGBT

Topics: Armed Conflict, Combatants, Gender, LGBTQ, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Non-State Armed Groups, Peacebuilding, Sexuality Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2020

Colombian People's Willingness to Forgive Offenses against Women Perpetrated during the Armed Conflict

Citation:

Pineda-Marín, Claudia, María Teresa Muñoz-Sastre, Diana Gutiérrez Villamarín, Carolina Espitia M., and Etienne Mullet. 2019. "Colombian People's Willingness to Forgive Offenses against Women Perpetrated during the Armed Conflict." Revista Latinoamericana de Psicología 51 (3): 226-35.

Authors: Claudia Pineda-Marín, María Teresa Munoz Sastre, Diana Gutiérrez Villamarín, Carolina Espitia M, Etienne Mullet

Abstract:

ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
We examined the Colombian people’s positions on forgiving perpetrators of offenses against women during the armed conflict, and the relationship between willingness to forgive and attitudes towards the peace process. The majority of participants (61%) were quite unwilling to forgive. Among participants who were not completely hostile, three positions were found. For 18%, forgiving mainly depended on the type of crime, for 8%, it depended on the subsequent apologetic behaviour, and for 8%, forgiving was unconditional. Participants who did not reject the possibility of forgiveness expressed significantly more positive views regarding the current peace process than participants who expressed rejection.
 
SPANISH ABSTRACT:
Este estudio examinó la disposición a perdonar de personas comunes colombianas frente a los crímenes en contra de las mujeres, durante el contexto del conflicto armado colombiano. También estudió las relaciones entre la disposición a perdonar y las actitudes frente al proceso de paz. Se observó que la mayoría de los participantes (61%) tienen muy baja disposición a perdonar. Entre los participantes que no fueron completamente hostiles, se observaron tres posiciones: un 18% estaba dispuesto a perdonar en función del tipo de crimen, para el 8% su disposición a perdonar dependía de la conducta de disculpas por parte del ofensor, y para el 8% el perdón fue incondicional. Los participantes que no rechazaban la posibilidad de perdonar, expresaron de manera significativa perspectivas más positivas frente al actual proceso de paz que los aquellos quienes expresaron rechazo.

Keywords: Colombia, armed conflict, FARC, violence against women, forgiveness, Conflicto Armado, perdón, violencia contra las mujeres

Topics: Armed Conflict, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, Peace Processes Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2019

Civil Society Perspectives on Sexual Violence in Conflict: Patriarchy and War Strategy in Colombia

Citation:

Kreft, Anne-Kathrin. 2020. "Civil Society Perspectives on Sexual Violence in Conflict: Patriarchy and War Strategy in Colombia." International Affairs 96 (2): 457-78.

Author: Anne-Kathrin Kreft

Abstract:

In international policy circles, conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) is commonly viewed as a weapon of war, a framing that researchers have criticized as overly simplistic. Feminist scholars in particular caution that the ‘weapon of war’ framing decontextualizes sexual violence in conflict from the structural factors of gender inequality that underpin its perpetration. In light of these tensions, how do politically relevant local actors perceive the nature and the origins of conflict-related sexual violence? Civil society organizations often actively confront conflict-related sexual violence on the ground. A better understanding of how their perceptions of this violence align or clash with the globally dominant ‘weapon of war’ narratives therefore has important policy implications. Interviews with representatives of Colombian women's organizations and victims' associations reveal that these civil society activists predominantly view conflict-related sexual violence as the result of patriarchal structures. The mobilized women perceive sexual violence as a very gendered violence that exists on a continuum extending through peace, the everyday and war, and which the presence of arms exacerbates. Strategic sexual violence, too, is understood to ultimately have its basis in patriarchal structures. The findings expose a disconnect between the globally dominant ‘weapon of war’ understanding that is decontextualized from structural factors and a local approach to CRSV that establishes clear linkages to societal gender inequality.

Topics: Civil Society, Conflict, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Gender Equality/Inequality, Sexual Violence Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2020

Health in Conflict and Post-Conflict Settings: Reproductive, Maternal and Child Health in Colombia

Citation:

Jaraba, Sara Milena Ramos, Natalia Quiceno Toro, María Ochoa Sierra, Laura Ruiz Sánchez, Marlly Andrea García Jiménez, Mary Y. Salazar-Barrientos, Edison Bedoya Bedoya, Gladis Adriana Vélez Álvarez, Ana Langer, Jewel Gausman, and Isabel C. Garcés-Palacio. 2020. "Health in Conflict and Post-Conflict Settings: Reproductive, Maternal and Child Health in Colombia." Conflict and Health 14.

Authors: Sara Milena Ramos Jaraba, Natalia Quiceno Toro, María Ochoa Sierra, Laura Ruiz Sánchez, Marlly Andrea García Jiménez, Mary Y. Salazar-Barrientos, Edison Bedoya Bedoya, Gladis Adriana Vélez Álvarez, Ana Langer, Jewel Gausman, Isabel C. Garcés-Palacio

Abstract:

Background: In conflict-afflicted areas, pregnant women and newborns often have higher rates of adverse health outcomes. Objective: To describe maternal and child health indicators and interventions between 1998 and 2016 comparing high and low conflict areas in Colombia. 
 
Methods: Mixed study of convergent triangulation. In the quantitative component, 16 indicators were calculated using official, secondary data sources. The victimization rate resulting from armed conflict was calculated by municipality and grouped into quintiles. In the qualitative component, a comparative case study was carried out in two municipalities of Antioquia: one with high rates of armed conflict and another with low rates. A total of 41 interviews and 8 focus groups were held with local and national government officials, health professionals, community informants, UN agencies and NGOs. 
 
Results: All of the indicators show improvement, however, four show statistically significant differences between municipalities with high victimization rates versus low ones. The maternal mortality ratio was higher in the municipalities with greater victimization in the periods 1998–2004, 2005–2011 and 2012–2016. The percentage of cesarean births and women who received four or more antenatal visits was lower among women who experienced the highest levels of victimization for the period 1998–2000, while the fertility rate for women between 15 and 19 years was higher in these municipalities between 2012 and 2016. In the context of the armed conflict in Colombia, maternal and child health was affected by the limited availability of interventions given the lack of human resources in health, supplies, geographical access difficulties and insecurity. The national government was the one that mostly provided the programs, with difficulties in continuity and quality. UN Agencies and NGOs accessed more easily remote and intense armed conflict areas. Few specific health interventions were identified in the postconflict context. 
 
Conclusions: In Colombia, maternal and child health indicators have improved since the conflict, however a pattern of inequality is observed in the municipalities most affected by the armed conflict.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Conflict, Gender, Women, Health, Reproductive Health, International Organizations, NGOs, Post-Conflict Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2020

Microfinance as a Means for Women Empowerment in the Colombian Post Conflict Scenario: Transformational Development or a Tool for Better Managing Poverty?

Citation:

Duarte Reyes, Laura Andrea, and Giulia Fattori. 2019. "Microfinance as a Means for Women Empowerment in the Colombian Post Conflict Scenario: Transformational Development or a Tool for Better Managing Poverty?" Peace Human Rights Governance 3 (1): 127-61.

Authors: Laura Andrea Duarte Reyes, Giulia Fattori

Abstract:

Gender financial inclusion initiatives, such as facilitating access to financial resources or business opportunities, have recently been promoted as a key strategy to advance women empowerment in post conflict scenarios, especially regarding refugee and internally displaced women. Drawing on literature review, this paper attempts to provide an analysis of the potential role of microfinance as a means for empowerment of internally displaced women in Colombia. It argues that without challenging the structural conditions that create poverty and discrimination against women, usually deepened during transition processes, these initiatives will be tackling the symptoms rather than the underlying causes of gender inequalities, thus missing out their transformative potential and simply providing tools for women to better manage their poverty. Instead, engaging other members of the household and the community (men and children), the recognition of the socio-cultural dynamics in which women live and the acknowledgment of women’s agency, may strengthen any effort of empowering women through financial inclusion during the post-conflict phase. As a result of this analysis a set of recommendations will be provided with the purpose of promoting virtuous cycles of female economic empowerment in the Colombian post-conflict scenario through transforming microfinance initiatives.

Keywords: financial inclusion, Colombia, post-conflict, women empowerment, bottom-up approach, microfinance

Topics: Displacement & Migration, IDPs, Refugees, Development, Economies, Poverty, Gender, Women, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Households, Post-Conflict Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Colombia

Year: 2019

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