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Rape

Explaining Aboriginal/Non-Aboriginal Inequalities in Postseparation Violence Against Canadian Women: Application of a Structural Violence Approach

Citation:

Pedersen, Jeannette Somlak, Lorraine Halinka Malcoe, and Jane Pulkingham. 2013. “Explaining Aboriginal /Non-Aboriginal Inequalities in Postseparation Violence Against Canadian Women: Application of a Structural Violence Approach.” Violence Against Women 19 (8): 1034-58. doi: 10.1177/1077801213499245.

Authors: Jeannette Somlak Pedersen, Lorraine Halinka Malcoe, Jane Pulkingham

Abstract:

Adopting a structural violence approach, we analyzed 2004 Canadian General Social Survey data to examine Aboriginal/non-Aboriginal inequalities in postseparation intimate partner violence (IPV) against women. Aboriginal women had 4.12 times higher odds of postseparation IPV than non-Aboriginal women (p < .001). Coercive control and age explained most of this inequality. The final model included Aboriginal status, age, a seven-item coercive control index, and stalking, which reduced the odds ratio for Aboriginal status to 1.92 (p = .085) and explained 70.5% of the Aboriginal/ non-Aboriginal inequality in postseparation IPV. Research and action are needed that challenge structural violence, especially colonialism and its negative consequences.

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Domestic Violence, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, Race, Sexual Violence, Male Perpetrators, Rape, Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, SV against women, Violence Regions: Americas, North America Countries: Canada

Year: 2013

How Sexual Trauma Can Create Obstacles to Transnational Feminism: The Case of Shifra

Citation:

Weinbaum, Batya. 2006. “How Sexual Trauma Can Create Obstacles to Transnational Feminism: The Case of Shifra.” NWSA Journal 18 (3): 71-87.

Author: Batya Weinbaum

Abstract:

Obstacles to organizing peace can sometimes emerge because women have suffered previous sexual violence. Consequently, the frame through which they react to contemporary political situations, including peace demonstrations organized by transnational feminists, might at the core have an internal structure derived from previous violation that women then project to identify, modify, and contain controversy in external events. Therefore, closely examining the border between private and public spheres in women's lives might not always lead to progressive politics for women as a group, as some might hope. Rather, some women might attempt to recover from specifically sexual violence in previous wars, seizing upon discourse bound of national security. They may attempt to regain internal strength by fortifying gender identity that has been thrown into crisis, using nationalistic contours to reaffirm their sense of self. This might lead them to actively protest other women working for peace. Since trauma survivors exhibit modes of recounting life histories that vividly dramatize past events in order to draw attention to private pain in public, the force of such narrators who speak in the streets can upstage peaceworkers' events.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Displacement & Migration, Refugees, Refugee/IDP Camps, Ethnicity, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, Health, Trauma, Nationalism, Religion, Security, Sexual Violence, Rape, SV against women, Violence Regions: Africa, MENA, North Africa, Asia, Middle East, Europe, Western Europe Countries: France, Israel, Morocco, Palestine / Occupied Palestinian Territories, Spain

Year: 2006

Gender and New Wars

Citation:

Chinkin, Christine, and Mary Kaldor. 2013. “Gender and New Wars.” Journal of International Affairs 67 (1): 167-87.

Authors: Christine Chinkin, Mary Kaldor

Abstract:

War plays an important role in the construction of gender, or the social roles of men and women. This article analyzes the gendered experience of what Kaldor calls "new wars." It shows that new wars are largely fought by men in the name of a political identity that usually has a significant gender dimension. They use tactics that involve deliberate attacks on civilians, including systematic rape as a weapon of war, and are financed by predatory economic activities that tend to affect women more than men. The article describes the ways in which laws relating to gendered violence have been strengthened since the 1990s, arguing that implementation has been very weak. The article concludes that the construction of masculinity in new wars, in contrast to the heroic warrior of "old wars," is much more contradictory and insecure. On the one hand, extreme gender differences can only be secured through continuted violence; on the other hand, the very contradictory and insecure character of masculinity offers a potential for alternatives. By looking at new wars through a gender lens, it is possible to identify policy options that might be more likely to contribute to a sustained peace. These include support for civil society, which tends to involve a preponderance of women, implementation of law at local and international levels, and greater participation of women in all aspects of peacemaking, including peacekeeping and law enforcement.

Topics: Armed Conflict, "New Wars", Civil Society, Combatants, Male Combatants, Economies, Gender, Women, Men, Masculinity/ies, Gender-Based Violence, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Sexual Violence, Male Perpetrators, Rape, Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, SV against women, Violence

Year: 2013

Gender, sovereignty and the rise of a sexual security regime in international law and postcolonial India

Citation:

Kapur, Ratna. March 2014. "Gender, sovereignty and the rise of a sexual security regime in international law and postcolonial India." Melbourne Journal of International Law 14 (2): 1-29.

Author: Ratna Kapur

Abstract:

In this paper, I use the recent ‘Delhi rape’ case that received global attention in 2012 to trace how an appalling episode of violence against a woman is articulated within stable categories of gender and invites state intervention in the form of criminal justice, stringent sentencing and a strengthened sexual security regime. I argue that the stability of gender and gender categories based on the binary of male and female has been an integral feature of international law and has been maintained partly through an overwhelming focus on sexual violence against women by states as well as non-state actors. This focus relies on a statist approach to sovereignty, where advocacy is directed at the state for redress and protection, primarily in the form of carceral measures, which in turn translate into a tightening of the sexual security regime. By continuing to appeal to the state as a central custodian of women’s rights, feminist and human rights advocacy has failed to address the ways in which power is dispersed and does not operate in a top-down manner. It also operates in terms of domination, subjugation and subject constitution. I examine how a security discourse operates to regulate, discipline and manage gender in the context of three areas of international law: anti-trafficking interventions in international human rights law; wartime rape in international criminal law; and the ‘taming of gender’ in the context of the Security Council resolutions 1325 and 1820 on gender, peace and security.

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, International Law, International Human Rights, Rights, Human Rights, Women's Rights, Security, UN Security Council Resolutions on WPS, UNSCR 1325, UNSCR 1820, Sexual Violence, Rape, SV against women, Trafficking Regions: Asia, South Asia Countries: India

Year: 2014

Between Global Fears and Local Bodies: Toward a Transnational Feminist Analysis of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence

Citation:

Dewey, Susan, and Tonia St. Germain. 2012. “Between Global Fears and Local Bodies: Toward a Transnational Feminist Analysis of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence.” Journal of International Women’s Studies 13 (3): 49–64.

Authors: Susan Dewey, Tonia St. Germain

Abstract:

Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) knows no borders. The twentieth and twenty-first centuries have witnessed historically unprecedented levels of violence against non-combatants as well as a concomitant rise in international and local efforts to assist survivors of conflict-related sexual violence. Yet the diversity of cultural contexts in which SGBV occurs challenges us to ask a timely question: what might a transnational feminist analysis of conflict-related sexual violence look like? This is particularly salient because feminist scholar-activists increasingly help shape policy designed to both address sexual violence as a weapon or by-product of war and services to assist its survivors. This article addresses the rise of global and local initiatives and institutions that rely upon the relatively recent emergence of concretized “best practices” recommended as global solutions to what are inevitably local problems. This article demonstrates how such global solutions are recommended for what are inevitably local problems and exemplifies how best practices are couched in human rights discourses that are presumed universally relevant despite their almost exclusive origination and dissemination by individuals in a privileged position vis-à-vis the intended beneficiaries of such discourse's practice. After analyzing the ethical concerns raised by this reality, this article proposes using nonhegemonic feminist models to develop new strategies for respecting both cultural diversity and the humanitarian responsibility to protect individuals from conflict-related sexual violence.

Keywords: international law, rape, sexual violence

Topics: Armed Conflict, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Girls, Gender Analysis, Gender-Based Violence, International Law, Rights, Human Rights, Sexual Violence, Rape, SV against women, Violence

Year: 2012

The Contribution of Socio-economic Position to the Excesses of Violence and Intimate Partner Violence Among Aboriginal Versus Non-Aboriginal Women in Canada

Citation:

Daoud, Nihaya, Janet Smylie, Marcelo Urquia, Billie Allan, and Patricia O’Campo. 2013. “The Contribution of Socio-economic Position to the Excesses of Violence and Intimate Partner Violence Among Aboriginal Versus Non-Aboriginal Women in Canada.” Revue Canadienne de Santé Publique 104 (4): 278-83.

Authors: Nihaya Daoud, Janet Smylie, Marcelo Urquia, Billie Allan, Patricia O’Campo

Abstract:

OBJECTIVE: To examine the contribution of socio-economic position (SEP) in explaining the excess of any abuse and inlimate partner violence (IPY) among Aboriginal versus non-Aboriginal women in Canada. This comparison has not been studied before.

METHODS: We conducted logistic regression analysis, using nationwide data from a weighted sample of 57,318 Canadian-born mothers of singletons who participated in the Canadian Maternity Experiences Survey 2006-7.

RESULTS: The unacjusted odds of any abuse and IPV were almost four times higher among Aboriginal compared to non-Aboriginal mothers; OR 3.91 (95% CI 3.12-4.89) and OR 3.78 (2.87-4.97), respectively, Adjustmem for SEP red uced the unadjusted OR of any abuse and fPVby almost 40%. However, even with this adjustment, the odds of any abuse and IPV for Aboriginal mothers remained twice that of non-Aboriginal mothers; OR 2.34 (1 .82 -2.99) and OR 2.19 (1.60-3.00), respectively.

CONCLUSIONS: SEP is a predominant contributor to the excess of abuse against Aboriginal vs. non-Aboriginalwomen in Canada. Reducing violence against Aboriginal women can be achieved mostly by improving their SEP, and simultaneously be informed by social processes and services that can mitigate abuse . The fact that SEP did not fully explain the excess of abuse among the Aboriginal women might lend support to "colonization or postcolonial theories," and related contextual factors such as differences in community social resources (e.q., social capital) and services. The effect of these factors on the excess of abuse warrants future research.

Topics: Class, Domestic Violence, Economies, Poverty, Ethnicity, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, Race, Sexual Violence, Male Perpetrators, Rape, Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, SV against women, Violence Regions: Americas, North America Countries: Canada

Year: 2013

Against the Odds: Sustaining Feminist Momentum in Post-War Bosnia-Herzegovina

Citation:

Cockburn, Cynthia. 2013. “Against the Odds: Sustaining Feminist Momentum in Post-War Bosnia-Herzegovina.” Women’s Studies International Forum 36 (2): 26–35. doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2013.01.003.

Author: Cynthia Cockburn

Abstract:

During the nationalist wars that destroyed Yugoslavia, a women's organization in central Bosnia-Herzegovina was set up to respond to the needs of women raped and traumatized in the fighting. In 1995, as the war ended, the author made a study of the feminist and anti-nationalist thinking and relationships among the doctors, therapists and other staff of Medica Women's Therapy Centre. In 2012 she returned to Bosnia to reinterview women and track developments in this post-conflict period. Medica now supports survivors of domestic violence, on the one hand working in a close partnership with local government services and on the other lobbying the state for improved legislation and provision. In a political system riven by nationalism, women report a retrogression in gender relations and high levels of violence against women. A recent split in Medica signals divergences in feminism and aspirations to a more radical and holistic movement.

Topics: Armed Conflict, National Liberation Wars, Domestic Violence, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, Gendered Power Relations, Nationalism, Post-Conflict, Sexual Violence, Rape, SV against women Regions: Europe, Balkans, Eastern Europe Countries: Bosnia & Herzegovina, Yugoslavia (former)

Year: 2013

Between the Human, the Citizen and the Tribal

Citation:

Bora, Papori. 2010. “Between the Human, the Citizen and the Tribal.” International Feminist Journal Of Politics 12 (3): 341-60.

Author: Bora Papori

Abstract:

On 15 July 2004, a public protest was staged in the state of Manipur, in India's Northeast, to oppose the rape and custodial killing of a young Meitei woman, Thangjam Manorama, by soldiers of a counter-insurgency paramilitary battalion, the Assam Rifles, who suspected she was a militant. At this protest, several women appeared nude, holding a banner that read 'Indian army rape us'. This analysis considers how we might read the nudity and the statement 'Indian army rape us'. I argue that the language of law, human rights and women's rights as human rights, are inadequate to analyze the protest and the events surrounding it because they do not situate the protest within larger political struggles in the Northeast. Further, such universalist approaches take categories like 'Indian citizen', 'woman' and 'tribal' as a given and do not allow for an engagement with how these categories are mutually constituted, or the law's complicity in their constitution. Accordingly, concerns about contested notions of citizenship that are at the heart of the Manipur protest cannot be adequately addressed within this framework. Instead, I suggest a postcolonial feminist analytics as an alternative means to engage with the political questions raised by the protest.

Keywords: women and political participation in India, rape as a weapon of war

Topics: Armed Conflict, Citizenship, Democracy / Democratization, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gender Roles, Gender-Based Violence, Governance, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Paramilitaries, Rights, Human Rights, Women's Rights, Sexual Violence, Male Perpetrators, Rape, SV against women, Tribe, Violence Regions: Asia, South Asia Countries: India

Year: 2010

Trafficking in Humans Social, Cultural and Political Dimensions

Citation:

Cameron, Sally, and Edward Newman. 2008. Trafficking in Humans Social, Cultural and Political Dimensions. New York: United Nations University Press. 

Authors: Sally Cameron, Edward Newman

Abstract:

Brings social, economic and political elements to the policy discussion as well as strategic interventions regarding the fight against "trafficking" (the recruitment and transportation of human beings through deception and coercion for the purposes of exploitation). Trafficking, generally, occurs from poorer to more prosperous countries and regions; however, it is not necessarily the poorest regions or communities which are most vulnerable to trafficking, and so this volume seeks to identify the factors which explain where and why vulnerability increases. –Publisher's description.

“[This] volume examines the proposition that in this era of globalization, liberal economic forces have resulted in the erosion of state capacity and a weakening of the provision of public goods…A certain alignment of factors may be key to understanding trafficking. The principle focus of this volume is to understand the distinction and dialectical interaction between structural and proximate factors.”

Annotation:

Table of Contents:

1. Introduction: Understanding human trafficking/Edward Newman and Sally Cameron

Part I: Themes:

2. Trafficking in humans: Structural factors/Sally Cameron and Edward Newman
3. Globalization and national sovereignty: From migration to trafficking/ Kinsey Alden Dinan
4. Trafficking of women for prostitution/Sally Cameron
5. Migrant women and the legal politics of anti-trafficking interventions/Ratna Kapur
6. Trafficking in women: The role of transnational organized crime/Phil Williams

Part II: Regional experiences

7. The fight against trafficking in human beings from the European perspective/Helga Konrad
8. Human trafficking in East and South-East Asia: Searching for structural factors/Maruja M. B. Asis
9. Human trafficking in Latin America in the context of international migration/Gabriela Rodríguez Pizarro
10. Human trafficking in South Asia: A focus on Nepal/Renu Rajbhandari
11. Trafficking in persons in the South Caucasus – Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia: New challenges for transitional democracies/Gulnara Shahinian

Quotes:

Recognize that trafficking is gendered

Gender analysis offers increased possibilities to understand the specifics of why certain women are trafficked into certain regions/industries and develop appropriate (often long-term) responses. As a starting point, women are being trafficked from states offering them limited opportunities outside the hard toil and drudgery of the home, the farm and unregulated markets. “Rescuing” women and sending them home does not affect that, and thus will not alter the principal push factors which make women vulnerable to trafficking. At the same time, there is a failure to understand and acknowledge fully the trafficking of men. While there is some writing about men working in exploitative, indentured or slave-like conditions, much of this has not been contextualized within a trafficking framework. Similarly, there must be greater recognition that children are trafficked. For too long the popular image of trafficking victims – young women coerced into prostitution – has influenced policy responses, but this is only a part of the reality.” (16)

Topics: Displacement & Migration, Migration, Refugees, Economies, Poverty, Gender, Livelihoods, Sexual livelihoods, Sexual Violence, Rape, Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, Sexual Slavery, Trafficking, Human Trafficking, Sex Trafficking Regions: Americas, Central America, Asia, East Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia, Europe, Balkans, South Caucasus Countries: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Nepal

Year: 2008

Rights of the Body and Perversions of War: Sexual Rights and Wrongs Ten Years Past Beijing*

Citation:

Petchesky, Rosalind P. 2005. “Rights of the Body and Perversions of War: Sexual Rights and Wrongs Ten Years Past Beijing*.” International Social Science Journal 57 (184): 301–18. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2451.2005.552.x.

Author: Rosalind P. Petchesky

Topics: Gender, Masculinity/ies, Gender Roles, Health, HIV/AIDS, Mental Health, Reproductive Health, Trauma, LGBTQ, Rights, Human Rights, Sexual Violence, Rape, Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, SV against men, SV against women, Torture, Sexual Torture

Year: 2005

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