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Patriarchy

Amnesty, Patriarchy and Women: The ‘Missing Gender’ Voice in Post-Conflict Niger Delta Region of Nigeria

Citation:

Umejesi, Ikechukwu. 2014. “Amnesty, Patriarchy and Women: The ‘Missing Gender’ Voice in Post-Conflict Niger Delta Region of Nigeria.” Gender & Behaviour 12 (1): 6223–37.

Author: Ikechukwu Umejesi

Abstract:

On 25 June 2009, the Federal Government of Nigeria declared amnesty for all armed groups fighting against the Nigerian state and oil producing companies in the Niger Delta region. The amnesty project spelt out a triple program of disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of the militant groups. In other words, the program was designed to end the conflict and reintegrate the militants into the society through an economic empowerment process. While the amnesty program was hailed as "reconciliatory", "compensatory" and a "sustainable solution" towards achieving lasting peace in the restive region, the program seems to benefit only men who constitute the bulk of the militants and their commanders. It does not take into consideration the socio-ecologic and economic losses suffered by women throughout the course of the struggle. This paper asks: where are the women? Is the amnesty program an empowerment project or an entrenchment of patriarchy in the Niger Delta region? Using both primary and secondary sources, this article examines these questions as a way of understanding government's amnesty policy and its gender dynamics.

Keywords: Niger Delta, conflict, amnesty, women, patriarchy, gender, militants

Topics: Armed Conflict, DDR, Economies, Economic Inequality, Extractive Industries, Gender, Women, Gender Analysis, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Gender Equality/Inequality, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Non-state armed groups, Peacebuilding Regions: Africa, West Africa Countries: Nigeria

Year: 2014

War as Feminized Labour in the Global Political Economy of Neoimperialism

Citation:

Meger, Sara. 2016. “War as Feminized Labour in the Global Political Economy of Neoimperialism.” Postcolonial Studies 19 (4): 378-92.

Author: Sara Meger

Abstract:

This article examines the structures of international relations that facilitate political violence in postcolonial states. It explores the intersections of patriarchy and imperialism in the contemporary political economy to understand how armed conflict and political violence in postcolonial states form an integral element of the global economy of accumulation in deeply gendered ways. By focusing on the structural level of analysis, this article argues that the siting of armed conflict in postcolonial contexts serves to maintain neo-colonial relations of exploitation between the West and non-West, and is made both possible and effective through the gendering of political identities and types of work performed in the global economy. I argue here that armed conflict is a form of feminized labour in the global economy. Despite the fact that performing violence is a physically masculine form of labour, the outsourcing of armed conflict as labour in the political economy is ‘feminized’ in that it represents the flexibilization of labour and informalization of market participation. So while at the same time that this work is fulfilling hegemonic ideals of militarized masculinity within the domestic context, at the international level it actually demonstrates the ‘weakness’ or ‘otherness’ of the ‘failed’/ feminized state in which this violence occurs, and legitimizes and hence re-entrenches the hegemonic relations between the core and periphery on the basis of problematizing the ‘weak’ state’s masculinity. It is through the discursive construction of the non- Western world as the site of contemporary political violence that mainstream international relations reproduces an orientalist approach to both understanding and addressing the ‘war puzzle’.

 

Keywords: political economy, neo-colonialism, war, gender, feminized labour, feminist international relations, postcolonial theory

Topics: Armed Conflict, Economies, Gender, Gendered Discourses, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, conflict, Livelihoods, Post-Conflict

Year: 2016

Challenging Masculinity in CSR Disclosures: Silencing of Women’s Voices in Tanzania’s Mining Industry

Citation:

Lauwo, Sarah. 2016. “Challenging Masculinity in CSR Disclosures: Silencing of Women’s Voices in Tanzania’s Mining Industry.” Journal of Business Ethics, 1–18. doi:10.1007/s10551-016-3047-4.

Author: Sarah Lauwo

Abstract:

This paper presents a feminist analysis of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in a male-dominated industry within a developing country context. It seeks to raise awareness of the silencing of women’s voices in CSR reports produced by mining companies in Tanzania. Tanzania is one of the poorest countries in Africa, and women are often marginalised in employment and social policy considerations. Drawing on work by Hélène Cixous, a post-structuralist/radical feminist scholar, the paper challenges the masculinity of CSR discourses that have repeatedly masked the voices and concerns of ‘other’ marginalised social groups, notably women. Using interpretative ethnographic case studies, the paper provides much-needed empirical evidence to show how gender imbalances remain prevalent in the Tanzanian mining sector. This evidence draws attention to the dynamics faced by many women working in or living around mining areas in Tanzania. The paper argues that CSR, a discourse enmeshed with the patriarchal logic of the contemporary capitalist system, is entangled with tensions, class conflicts and struggles which need to be unpacked and acknowledged. The paper considers the possibility of policy reforms in order to promote gender balance in the Tanzanian mining sector and create a platform for women’s concerns to be voiced.

Keywords: masculinity, feminism, Cixous, corporate social responsibility, mining, tanzania

Topics: Class, Extractive Industries, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Masculinity/ies, Gender Analysis, Gender Balance, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy Regions: Africa, East Africa Countries: Tanzania

Year: 2016

A Postcolonial Feminist Critique of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: A South African Application

Citation:

Struckmann, Christiane. 2017. “A Postcolonial Feminist Critique of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: A South African Application.” Master's thesis, Stellenbosch University.

Author: Christiane Struckmann

Abstract:

The United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, more commonly known as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), was launched in September 2015. The SDGs are a global target-setting development agenda aimed at ending poverty, protecting the planet, and ensuring peace and prosperity for all by 2030. The SDGs have been lauded for vastly improving on their predecessor, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), by broadening the global development agenda to include environmental, social, economic and political concerns, and for, in the process of their formulation, engaging with member states and civil society groups. The SDGs can further be commended for broadening the scope of the targets under the goal on gender equality and women’s empowerment, and for recognizing that gender equality has social, economic, and political dimensions. This study employs a postcolonial feminist theoretical framework to critique the SDGs and to make recommendations on how these critiques can inform South Africa’s implementation of the SDGs, with the ultimate aim of achieving substantive gender equality and women’s empowerment in the country. The study argues that the MDGs and South Africa’s National Development Plan (NDP) have failed to guarantee gender justice because they are anchored in two cognate theoretical approaches – liberal feminism and economic neoliberalism – that prioritize economic growth over addressing the structural drivers of women’s subordination and oppression. In contrast to liberal feminism, postcolonial feminism recognizes that gender inequality has interconnected economic, political and social dimensions in which power inequalities and discriminatory norms are embedded. It consequently seeks fundamentally to challenge and transform dominant patriarchal, racial and economic power structures, both in the public and private domain. A postcolonial feminist critique of the SDGs highlights that corporate interests have taken precedence over feminist critiques demanding systemic transformation. It is up to the South African government to recognize and enlarge women’s freedom and agency, and to initiate truly transformative local strategies that address the systemic drivers of gender injustice. Given that Government has affirmed that its unreservedly gender-blind NDP will inform South Africa’s engagement with the SDGs, it is highly likely that the country’s 30 million women will be left behind.

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Development, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gender Analysis, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Gender Equality/Inequality, International Organizations, Justice, Post-Conflict Regions: Africa, Southern Africa Countries: South Africa

Year: 2017

War as Feminized Labour in the Global Political Economy of Neo-Imperialism

Citation:

Meger, Sara. 2016. “War as Feminized Labour in the Global Political Economy of Neo-Imperialism.” Postcolonial Studies 19(4): 378–92. 

Author: Sara Meger

Abstract:

This article examines the structures of international relations that facilitate political violence in postcolonial states. It explores the intersections of patriarchy and imperialism in the contemporary political economy to understand how armed conflict and political violence in postcolonial states form an integral element of the global economy of accumulation in deeply gendered ways. By focusing on the structural level of analysis, this article argues that the siting of armed conflict in postcolonial contexts serves to maintain neo-colonial relations of exploitation between the West and non-West, and is made both possible and effective through the gendering of political identities and types of work performed in the global economy. I argue here that armed conflict is a form of feminized labour in the global economy. Despite the fact that performing violence is a physically masculine form of labour, the outsourcing of armed conflict as labour in the political economy is ‘feminized’ in that it represents the flexibilization of labour and informalization of market participation. So while at the same time that this work is fulfilling hegemonic ideals of militarized masculinity within the domestic context, at the international level it actually demonstrates the ‘weakness’ or ‘otherness’ of the ‘failed’/feminized state in which this violence occurs, and legitimizes and hence re-entrenches the hegemonic relations between the core and eriphery on the basis of problematizing the ‘weak’ state’s masculinity. It is through the discursive construction of the non-Western world as the site of contemporary political violence that mainstream international relations reproduces an orientalist approach to both understanding and addressing the ‘war puzzle'.

Keywords: political economy, neo-colonialism, war, gender, feminized labour, feminist international relations, postcolonial theory

Topics: Armed Conflict, Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Feminisms, Gender, Masculinity/ies, Gender Analysis, Femininity/ies, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Political Economies, Violence

Year: 2016

Gays, Cross-Dressers, and Emos: Nonnormative Masculinities in Militarized Iraq

Citation:

Rohde, Achim. 2016. “Gays, Cross-Dressers, and Emos: Nonnormative Masculinities in Militarized Iraq.” Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 12 (3): 433–49.

Author: Achim Rohde

Annotation:

"Much has been written about gender-based violence against Iraqi women under the thirty-five-year dictatorship of Saddam Hussein and since the fall of the regime in 2003 (Brown and Romano 2006, 56, 60–62; Al-Jawaheri 2008, 108–17; al-Ali 2005, 742–43, 754–55; 2007, 198, 207, 226–29; 2008, 413–16; Smiles 2008, 272–76; al-Ali and Pratt 2009, 78, 80, 157–61; Campbell and Kelly 2009, 24–25; Fischer-Tahir 2010, 1391–92; Ranharter and Stansfield 2015). Although the mass recruitment of men as soldiers and fighters often temporarily expanded spaces for women’s participation in the Iraqi public sphere (Efrati 1999, 28, 30–32; Rohde 2010, 86–91), militarism and militarist discourse before and since 2003 have reinforced gender polarity and heroic forms of masculinity, marginalizing and degrading the noncombat social positionalities of the majority of men and women (Rohde 2010, 124–43; 2011, 100, 104, 109–10; Fischer-Tahir 2012, 93–94; Abdulameer 2014). Nevertheless, organized violence against queer positionalities, or men perceived to violate sexual and gender norms, occurred only after 2003. This essay explores ruptures and continuities in organized violence against sex or gender nonconformity in recent Iraqi history.
 
"For the late Baʿthist period in Iraq, I analyze scholarly and journalistic sources, including items published in Iraqi newspapers and transcripts of a conversation between Saddam Hussein and tribal leaders in 1991 or 1992. For the years after 2003, I systematically analyzed four Iraqi (Arabic) daily newspapers (Al-Zaman, Al-Sabah, Al-Mada, and Al-Manara) and a weekly journal (Al-Esbuʿiyya) from late 2008, 2009, and spring 2012. I draw on other sources as well, including news videos, human rights reports, academic work, and other journalistic sources. Given the dangers and restrictions of research in Iraq, the available sources allow some preliminary analysis that can inform future systematic studies on gender and sexual diversity in Iraqi society" (Rohde, 2016, p. 433-4)

Topics: Gender, Masculinity/ies, Gender Roles, Gender-Based Violence, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, LGBTQ, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militarism, Violence Regions: MENA, Asia, Middle East Countries: Iraq

Year: 2016

Women and Weapons: Redressing the Gender Gap: A Pakistani Response

Citation:

Malik, Salma. 2014. “Women and Weapons: Redressing the Gender Gap: A Pakistani Response.” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 70 (5): 12–16.

Author: Salma Malik

Abstract:

In nuclear war, women would suffer at least as much as men. But women tend to be underrepresented in fields—such as high-level politics, diplomacy, military affairs, and science and technology—that bear on nuclear policy. Authors from four countries—Salma Malik of Pakistan, Polina Sinovets of Ukraine (2014), Reshmi Kazi of India (2014), and Jenny Nielsen of Denmark (2014)—discuss how women might gain greater influence on nuclear weapons policy and how their empowerment might affect disarmament and nonproliferation efforts.

Keywords: Hillary Clinton, India, nuclear policy, nuclear weapons, Pakistan, Rose Gottemoeller, Samantha Power, Sujatha Singh, Susan Rice, women

Topics: Gender, Masculinity/ies, Gender Analysis, Femininity/ies, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Gender Equity, Weapons /Arms Regions: Asia, South Asia Countries: Pakistan

Year: 2014

Security Sector Reform and the Paradoxical Tension between Local Ownership and Gender Equality

Citation:

Gordon, Eleanor, Anthony Cleland Welch and Emmicka Roos. 2015. “Security Sector Reform and the Paradoxical Tension between Local Ownership and Gender Equality.” Stability: International Journal of Security & Development 4 (1): 53, 1-23.

Authors: Eleanor Gordon, Anthony Cleland Welch, Emmicka Roos

Abstract:

This article analyses the tension or conflict that can exist between the principles of local ownership and gender equality that guide Security Sector Reform (SSR) programmes when gender discrimination and patriarchal values characterise the local environment (and ‘locals’ do not value gender equality). In these situations, international actors may be reluctant to advocate gender equality, regarding it as imposing culturally alien values and potentially destabilising to the SSR process. It is argued, however, that the tension between local ownership and gender equality is deceptive and merely serves to protect the power of dominant groups and disempower the marginalised, often serving to disguise the power relations at play in post-conflict environments and avoid addressing the security needs of those who are often at most risk. The paper concludes that rather than a tension existing between the two principles, in fact, local ownership without gender equality is meaningless. Moreover, failing to promote gender equality undermines the extent to which SSR programmes result in security and justice sector institutions that are representative of and responsive to the needs of both men and women. It can also perpetuate structural inequalities and conflict dynamics and, ultimately, limit the success of SSR and broader peacebuilding processes.

Topics: Gender, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Gender Equality/Inequality, International Organizations, Peacebuilding, Post-Conflict, Security Sector Reform

Year: 2015

Repealing the Direct Combat Exclusion Rule: Examining the Ongoing "Invisible War" against Women Soldiers

Citation:

Prividera, Laura C., and John W. Howard III. 2014. "Repealing the Direct Combat Exclusion Rule: Examining the Ongoing "Invisible War" against Women Soldiers." Women & Language 37 (1): 115-120.

Authors: Laura C. Prividera, John W. Howard III

Abstract:

An essay on the repeal of the rule against and for the exclusion of women in active combat is presented. It offers a history of the exclusionary policy for female soldiers since 1994, rescission of the "direct combat exclusion rule" for women in service in 2013 and examines the myths of women participation in military as to soldiering risks, standards for differential training and nature of sex. The authors relate increasing public opinion in favor of integration but changes remain procedural. (EBSCOhost)

 

Topics: Combatants, Female Combatants, Gender, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Gender Equality/Inequality, Masculinism, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Rights Regions: Americas, North America Countries: United States of America

Year: 2014

Foreign Military Intervention and Women's Rights

Citation:

Peksen, Dursun. 2001. “Foreign Military Intervention and Women’s Rights.” Journal of Peace Research 48 (4): 455-68. 

Author: Dursun Peksen

Abstract:

A large body of scholarly work has been devoted to the possible consequences of foreign military intervention for the target state. This literature, however, tends to be state-centric and mostly neglects the insight from gender-specific theoretical and empirical perspectives. The purpose of this article is to examine the extent to which military intervention affects women’s rights. It is argued that unilateral interventions are prone to diminishing women’s status by encouraging the persistence or creation of repressive regimes and contributing to political disorder in the target state. If the use of armed forces ever helps or causes no damage to women’s well-being, it will likely be during interventions led by intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). This is because IGO interventions are unlikely to protect or support an authoritarian, patriarchal political system. Furthermore, such multilateral missions will increase international awareness of women’s status along with other human rights issues in the target society, thereby creating more pressure on the government to enforce women’s rights. To empirically substantiate these arguments, three different indicators that tap socio-economic and political aspects of women’s status are used, including the indices of women’s economic, political, and social rights from the Cingranelli-Richards database. The results indicate that while women’s political and economic status suffer most during unilateral US interventions, IGO interventions are likely to have a positive influence on women’s political rights. Non-US unilateral interventions, on the other hand, are unlikely to cause any major change in women’s status. Finally, military interventions in general have no major statistically significant impact on women’s social rights.

Keywords: military conflicts, foreign military intervention, women's rights

Topics: Armed Conflict, Gender, Women, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Rights, Women's Rights Regions: Americas, North America Countries: United States of America

Year: 2001

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