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From Lumberjack to Business Manager: Masculinity in the Norwegian Forestry Press

Citation:

Brandth, Berit, and Marit S. Haugen. 2000. “From Lumberjack to Business Manager: Masculinity in the Norwegian Forestry Press.” Journal of Rural Studies 16 (3): 343–55.

Authors: Berit Brandth, Marit S. Haugen

Abstract:

This article explores masculinity in an all-male discourse where gender is `taken-for-granted'. Through an examination of three volumes of a Norwegian forestry magazine, the article examines the ways in which masculinity is constructed at two of the main sites of forestry. These are the sites of practical forestry work and organisational management, which correspond to the `tough’ and the `powerful’ positions of masculinity in the industry. There are differences between the two positions of masculinity concerning structure, activity and display. Although quite coherently described in the magazine, there are noticeable signs of destabilisation. From being strongest in focus in the early volume, the old, sturdy working logger is replaced by the energetic, young man with efficient and powerful machinery. Most notable is the fact that the forestry worker seems to be giving way to the organisational man. After a macho-man flare up in the 1980s, the next decade marks a transition to greater hegemony of organisational masculinity.

Keywords: forestry, gender, masculinity, rural, discourse, media

Topics: Gender, Gendered Discourses, Gendered Power Relations, Livelihoods Regions: Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Norway

Year: 2000

Who Carries the Water: Feminist Reflections on Anatolian Hydroelectric Power Plants, Rivers, and Resistance

Citation:

Belkis, Fatma, and İz Öztat. 2018. “Who Carries the Water: Feminist Reflections on Anatolian Hydroelectric Power Plants, Rivers, and Resistance.” Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 14 (3): 368–73.

Authors: Fatma Belkis, İz Öztat

Annotation:

Summary:
"Following the Gezi Uprising in 2013, we felt the need to learn from grassroots struggles, ongoing since 1998, against the construction of small hydroelectric power plants (SHPs) on rivers in numerous valleys of Anatolia. The attempt by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government to destroy Gezi Park and the occupation that followed made clear the widespread impact of construction-led growth policies in urban and rural contexts. The anti-SHP movement’s slogan is “Rivers will flow free,” which resonated with us as a radical desire for the right to life of all beings. The slogan voices a demand for the agency of rivers and challenges state and corporate decisions to control their courses with pipes, dams, and dredging.
 
"The grassroots struggle against SHPs coincides with legislation that allows the leasing of water-use rights in rivers to private energy companies for at least fortynine years. Following the privatization “the AKP government launched an aggressive programme” whose goal was building “2,000 small (and large) hydropower plants by 2023, the centennial of the Turkish Republic”(Erensu and Karaman 2017, 14). Governments, corporations, and banks frame SHPs as renewable energy production solutions that facilitate “development,” but in Turkey, as in many other places, their implementation involves removing the water from its bed and running it through pipes to feed multiple turbines, which deprives all living creatures in the ecosystem of their life source.
 
"Our collaborative installation work Who Carries the Water (Belkıs and Öztat 2015) took form as we visited valleys where residents resist the process of dispossession that ensues with the construction of SHPs" (Belkis and Öztat 2018, 368-9).

Topics: Development, Economies, Economic Inequality, Environment, Feminisms, Gender, Infrastructure, Water & Sanitation, Livelihoods, Privatization Regions: MENA, Asia, Europe, Southern Europe

Year: 2018

Gender and Patriarchy in Mining Communities

Citation:

Hebron, Sandra, and Maggie Wykes. 2018. "Gender and Patriarchy in Mining Communities." In Work and the Enterprise Culture, edited by Malcolm Cross and Geoff Payne, 160-72. London: Routledge.

Authors: Sandra Hebron, Maggie Wykes

Annotation:

Summary:
This chapter contains some preliminary findings from 'Coal and Community'; a research project funded by the Economic and Social Research Council and carried out in the Department of Communication Studies at Sheffield Polytechnic between November 1986 and December 1988. It proposes the social consequences of the 1984–5 coal dispute in three mining communities. The chapter explores how far this assumption was borne out in reality and to assess the way that the nature of mining communities and the roles of men and women reproduced traditional gender norms. Most women in mining communities, as elsewhere, tend not to be involved in political activism or campaigning. A major cause for speculation at the end of the strike concerned the extent to which women's lives would change as a consequence of their experiences during the strike. The chapter provides the little difference between the communities in terms of changed gender relations since the strike. (Summary from Routledge)

Topics: Civil Society, Extractive Industries, Gender, Women, Gender Roles, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Livelihoods Regions: Europe, Northern Europe Countries: United Kingdom

Year: 2018

Gender and Struggles for Equality in Mining Resistance Movements: Performing Critique against Neoliberal Capitalism in Sweden and Greece

Citation:

Sjöstedt Landén, Angelika, and Marianna Fotaki. 2018. "Gender and Struggles for Equality in Mining Resistance Movements: Performing Critique against Neoliberal Capitalism in Sweden and Greece." Social Inclusion 6 (4): 25-35.

Authors: Angelika Sjöstedt Landén, Marianna Fotaki

Abstract:

This article explores the intersections of gender and centre–periphery relations and calls for theoretical and political involvement in gendered struggles against colonial and capitalist forces across different national contexts. The article raises questions about the possibility of resisting inequality and exploitation arising from capitalist expansion and extraction of natural resources in Sweden and Greece, outside of urban contexts. It does so by highlighting women’s role in protest movements in peripheral places and questioning power relations between centre and periphery. The article also argues that making visible women’s struggles and contributions to protest movements brings about vital knowledge for realizing democratic worlds that do not thrive on the destruction of natural resources and the institutionalization of inequalities.

Keywords: activism, capitalism, extractivism, gender, Greece, mining, neoliberalism, protest, women, sweden

Topics: Extractive Industries, Gender, Women, Gendered Power Relations, Intersectionality Regions: Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe, Southern Europe Countries: Greece, Sweden

Year: 2018

Re-Politicising the Gender-Security Nexus: Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy

Citation:

Aggestam, Karin, and Annika Bergman Rosamond. 2018. "Re-Politicising the Gender-Security Nexus: Sweden's Feminist Foreign Policy." European Review of International Studies 5 (3/2018): 30-48.

Authors: Karin Aggestam, Annika Bergman Rosamond

Abstract:

Sweden’s feminist foreign policy is founded on the broad idea that gender equality is central to security. This article focuses on how the politicisation of this gender-security nexus is discursively articulated and practiced in the case of feminist foreign policy. The problematic is unpacked by analysing the politicisation of the women, peace and security agenda and global gender mainstreaming. To empirically illustrate the gender-security nexus more specifically, we analyse how these politicisation processes are reflected in Sweden’s support for global peace diplomacy and gender protection. The article concludes by offering three final remarks. First, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy is an expression of several, at times competing, forms of political rationality. Second, while the fluctuation between de-politicisation and re-politicisation of security may seem productive in terms of policy outcome it can also create contradictions and ambiguities in regards to feminist foreign policy practice. One such outcome is the tendency to conflate gender and women across a number of de-politicised policy initiatives launched by the Swedish government. Third, the re-politicisation and contestation of the gender-security nexus is likely to increase in the coming decades because of shifting global power configurations in the global world order.

Keywords: feminist foreign policy, re-politicisation, de-politicisation, WPS agenda, gender mainstreaming, peace diplomacy, protection, UNSCR 1325, sweden

Topics: Feminisms, Gender Mainstreaming, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, International Organizations, Security, UN Security Council Resolutions on WPS, UNSCR 1325 Regions: Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Sweden

Year: 2018

A Green Fatwā? Climate Change as a Threat to the Masculinity of Industrial Modernity

Citation:

Anshelm, Jonas, and Martin Hultman. 2014. “A Green Fatwā? Climate Change as a Threat to the Masculinity of Industrial Modernity.” NORMA: International Journal for Masculinity Studies 9 (2): 84–96.

Authors: Jonas Anshelm, Martin Hultman

Abstract:

From the autumn of 2006 and until 2009, climate change was described in Sweden as having apocalyptic dimensions. There was a parliamentary and public consensus that anthropogenic climate change was real and that society needed to take responsibility for lowering greenhouse gas emissions, though a small group of climate sceptics did not agree with the majority of the scientists or the need for drastic changes in the organization of Western societies. This small group, with only one exception, consisted of elderly men with influential positions in academia or large private companies. In this article we discuss how they described themselves as marginalised, banned and oppressed dissidents, forced to speak against a faith-based belief in climate science. They characterised themselves as having strong beliefs in a market society, great mistrust of government regulation and a sturdy belief in engineering and natural science rationality. We contend that climate sceptics in Sweden can be understood as being intertwined with a masculinity of industrial modernity that is on decline. These climate sceptics tried to save an industrial society of which they were a part by defending its values against ecomodern hegemony. This gender analysis of climate scepticism moves beyond the previous research of understanding this discourse as solely an ideologically-based outcry against science and politics, and highlights the recognition of identities, historical structures and emotions.

Keywords: climate change, masculinity studies, climate sceptics, industrial modern masculinity, ecomodern masculinity, discourse analysis

Topics: Environment, Climate Change, Feminisms, Gender, Men, Masculinity/ies, Gender Analysis Regions: Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Sweden

Year: 2014

Gender Mainstreaming in Transportation: Impact of Management Control

Citation:

Wittbom, Eva. 2011. “Gender Mainstreaming in Transportation: Impact of Management Control.” In Women’s Issues in Transportation: Summary of the 4th International Conference, Vol. 2: Technical Papers, 264-75. Washington, DC: Transportation Research Board of the National Academies.

Author: Eva Wittbom

Abstract:

In international surveys, Sweden is considered to be the locus classicus for gender mainstreaming. At a macro level, the picture is clear, as government directives include specific goals for gender equality and the expectation that public agencies will mainstream gender into their core business. At a micro level, the situation is more complex. Formal governance meets with gendered norms and cultures that are equally strong, but informal, driving forces among civil servants. The question raised here is how the management control system functions under the pressure of mainstreaming gender. With an interpretive approach, research has been conducted to disclose constructions that tend to enable or to hamper gender equality in the practice of management control at a micro level. The evidence stems from a case study of the Swedish Road Administration and the Swedish National Rail Administration. Interviews, observations of meetings, and close reading of documents furnish this paper with data covering the years 2002–2007 with regard to a policy goal of a gender-equal transport system. Applying a gender perspective together with a sociological institutional perspective makes gendered rules, norms, and culture visible. The results show how management control is involved in integration of gender by assimilation and by decoupling, obstructing transformative gender mainstreaming. The administration is busy keeping up the appearance of fulfilling the goal, legitimizing its activities by reporting relative fulfillment in accordance with the rules of the control system, regardless of the relevance connected to the norms of gender equality. The management control system perpetuates a culture in which reliability lies in measurability; therefore, the goal of gender equality results in a quantitative perspective on women and men instead of a qualitative gender perspective on the transport system.

Topics: Gender, Gender Mainstreaming, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Infrastructure, Transportation Regions: Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Sweden

Year: 2011

Challenging Identity Hierarchies: Gender and Consociational Power-Sharing

Citation:

Kennedy, Ronan, Claire Pierson, and Jennifer Thomson. 2016. “Challenging Identity Hierarchies: Gender and Consociational Power-Sharing.” The British Journal of Politics and International Relations 18 (3): 618-33.

Authors: Ronan Kennedy, Claire Pierson, Jennifer Thomson

Abstract:

Consociational democracy has become the most influential paradigm in the field of powersharing institutional design and post-conflict peacebuilding. Consociation institutes representation for certain formerly excluded groups. However, it simultaneously inhibits effective political representation for groups that do not align with the societal divisions that consociation seeks to accommodate, specifically the ‘additional’ cleavage of gender. Given the extensive use of the consociational model as a peacebuilding tool in divided states and the growing awareness of the disproportionate negative effect of conflict on women, there is a surprising lack of consideration of the effect that consociational power-sharing has on women’s representation. This article considers the specific impact that the consociational model has on women’s representation. We argue that because gender is an integral factor in conflict, it should therefore be integral to postconflict governance. With empirical reference to contemporary Northern Ireland, it is illustrated that consociationalism is a ‘gender-blind’ theory.

Keywords: consocationalism, gender, Northern Ireland, post-conflict, power-sharing

Topics: Gender, Governance, Post-conflict Governance, Peacebuilding, Political Participation, Post-Conflict Regions: Europe, Western Europe Countries: Ireland

Year: 2016

Gender, Mobilities and Transformation in Loppa, a Rural Municipality of Norway’s High North

Citation:

Walsh, Deatra, and Siri Gerrard. 2018. “Gender, Mobilities and Transformation in Loppa, a Rural Municipality of Norway’s High North.” Gender, Place & Culture 25 (8): 1154–74.

Authors: Deatra Walsh, Siri Gerrard

Abstract:

This article demonstrates the persistence of rural and peripheral coastal places in spite of widespread economic change through the lens of gendered mobilities. We focus on Loppa, a mountainous, ferry-dependent and sparsely populated municipality in the County of Finnmark in Norway’s High North. The fishery in Loppa, while the main source of employment for men, has been in decline. Conversely, employment in health, social services and other professional services has remained steady and, in some cases, increased. Women comprise the highest proportion of workers in these sectors. Using quantitative and qualitative data, we show that in and out-migration, as well as in and out-commuting all feature prominently in Loppa’s mobility picture over time. Higher proportions of men out-migrate and out-commute, suggesting that as changes in the fishery have occurred, men are the first to adjust through geographical mobilities. Although women are working in arguably more stable public sector employment, they too must engage in mobilities. We argue that in the absence of the prominent pattern of exodus of men and women over time, the varied mobilities in to and out of Loppa signal its transformation rather than decline with a future not yet known. We demonstrate that transformation is supported by mobilities as well as the the moorings associated with place.

Keywords: gender, mobilities, multi-methods, Norway's High North, restructuring

Topics: Displacement & Migration, Migration, Economies, Gender Analysis, Globalization, Infrastructure, Transportation, Livelihoods Regions: Europe, Nordic states, Northern Europe Countries: Norway

Year: 2018

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