Democratic Republic of the Congo

Estimates and Determinants of Sexual Violence against Women in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Citation:

Peterman, Amber, Tia Palermo, and Caryn Bredenkamp. 2011. “Estimates and Determinants of Sexual Violence against Women in the Democratic Republic of Congo.” American Journal of Public Health 101 (6): 1060-67.

Authors: Amber Peterman, Tia Palermo, Caryn Bredenkamp

Abstract:

Objectives. We sought to provide data-based estimates of sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and describe risk factors for such violence.

Methods. We used nationally representative household survey data from 3436 women selected to answer the domestic violence module who took part in the 2007 DRC Demographic and Health Survey along with population estimates to estimate levels of sexual violence. We used multivariate logistic regression to analyze correlates of sexual violence.

Results. Approximately 1.69 to 1.80 million women reported having been raped in their lifetime (with 407 397–433 785 women reporting having been raped in the preceding 12 months), and approximately 3.07 to 3.37 million women reported experiencing intimate partner sexual violence. Reports of sexual violence were largely independent of individual-level background factors. However, compared with women in Kinshasa, women in Nord-Kivu were significantly more likely to report all types of sexual violence.

Conclusions. Not only is sexual violence more generalized than previously thought, but our findings suggest that future policies and programs should focus on abuse within families and eliminate the acceptance of and impunity surrounding sexual violence nationwide while also maintaining and enhancing efforts to stop militias from perpetrating rape.

Topics: Domestic Violence, Gender, Women, Gender-Based Violence, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militias, Sexual Violence, Rape, SV against Women Regions: Africa, Central Africa Countries: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Year: 2011

Sexual Violence, Coltan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo

Citation:

Whitman, Shelly. 2010. “Sexual Violence, Coltan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.” In Critical Environmental Security: Rethinking the Links between Natural Resources and Political Violence, edited by Schnurr, Matthew A., and Larry A. Swatuk, 1–17. Halifax, NS, Canada: Dalhousie University Centre for Foreign Policy Studies.

Author: Shelly Whitman

Annotation:

 “There is a local Kiswahili saying that says “Congo is a big country – you will eat it until you tire away!” This is precisely what many armed groups, neighbouring countries, Western states and multinational companies have done over the past 100 years to the DRC. The raping of the country’s natural resources has coincided with the increased sexual violence endured by the women of the country. I will contend that it is not the abundance or scarcity of resources per se that determines conflict and violence, but the way they are governed, who has access to them and for what purposes they are used.

The DRC is an example of the new issues that face environmental security analysts. Environmental security must take account of the human security elements that challenge our understandings of the connection among the environment, resource extraction and conflict. How are civilians targeted deliberately in this quest for natural resources that often underpins and drives the conflicts that currently exist? Failure to see the connections has resulted in a failure adequately to seek peaceful and meaningful long-term solutions to conflicts such as those occurring in the DRC.” (Whitman, 2010, p. 2).

 “How are civilians targeted deliberately in this quest for natural resources that often underpins and drives the conflicts that currently exist?” (p. 2).

“While the various foreign (and domestic) armies that have been involved in the DRC claim security as the main justification for their presence, all have been accused of the illegal exploitation of the natural resources of the DRC” (p. 5).

Price of coltan before PlayStation 2 and laptops used it: $30/lb; after: $380 (p. 10)

Led to coltan rush in eastern DRC; violence increases when speculation surges

Survey: companies feel they can’t do anything else, pass the buck to suppliers and the Congolese government (p. 12).

Ban on extraction and sale won’t solve anything—regulation and protection so it can be used for good, accountability for both extraction and sexual violence (p. 13).

 

Topics: Armed Conflict, Economies, Environment, Extractive Industries, Gender, Gender-Based Violence, Governance, Multi-National Corporations, Peacebuilding, Sexual Violence Regions: Africa, Central Africa Countries: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Year: 2010

When Women Support the Patriarchal Family: The Dynamics of Marriage in a Gécamines Mining Camp (Katanga Province, DR Congo)

Citation:

Rubbers, Benjamin. 2014. “When Women Support the Patriarchal Family: The Dynamics of Marriage in a Gécamines Mining Camp (Katanga Province, DR Congo).” Journal of Historical Sociology 27 (3): 1-22. doi:10.1111/johs.12050.

Author: Benjamin Rubbers

Abstract:

Based on ethnographic research among the ex-Gécamines workers of Panda (Likasi, DR Congo), this article studies the dynamics of the spousal relationship in a post-industrial context that has been long characterized by paternalism. The results of this research suggest that, though men and women living in this mining community talk about their spousal relationships by invoking the ideal of Christian marriage promoted during the colonial period, in practice such relationships faced important changes following Congolese independence in 1960. The nationalization and subsequent dramatic decline of Gécamines caused changes which directly affected three central dimensions of the colonial family model, namely monogamy, the ideal of domesticity, and male authority. If men and women continue to reference this model, it is because, in times of growing poverty, it allows spouses to remind one another of their respective duties as docile housewives and responsible husbands, and to command respect as virtuous Christian families in the local community.

Topics: Coloniality/Post-Coloniality, Economies, Poverty, Extractive Industries, Gender, Women, Gender Roles, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Households, Livelihoods, Religion Regions: Africa, Central Africa Countries: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Year: 2014

Women in the Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining Sector of the Democratic Republic of the Congo

Citation:

Hayes, Karen, and Rachel Perks. 2011. “Women in the Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining Sector of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.” In High-Value Natural Resources and Post-Conflict Peacebuilding. London: Earthscan.

Authors: Rachel Perks, Karen Hayes

Annotation:

"This chapter focuses on women who work and live in the diverse, complex, and often-neglected artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) communities of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). ASM encompasses both the manual extraction and processing of minerals and their subsequent trade. Much of ASM is informal, and it is often characterized by dangerous practices and harmful social and environmental impacts. Although many ASM communities have existed for years or even centuries, other communities have begun to engage in mining relatively recently, mostly as a result of poverty" (Hayes and Perks, 2012,  529).

“ASM (Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining) supports 16 to 20 percent of the population of the DRC and is a critical economic driver in the country’s move out of war (World Bank 2008)” (529).

“As currently practiced in the DRC, however, ASM is inefficient because the technical skills required to identify, plan, develop, and exploit mines to their full potential are lacking. As a consequence, ASM ends up degrading the overall value of the ore body while simultaneously consuming or contaminating other resources—such as wood, land, and water—which could be essential to livelihoods once the ore is exhausted” (532).

“The research also found that women’s involvement in ASM was primarily poverty driven: 75 percent of the women interviewed in 2007 had been mining for less than two years, and 70 percent were their families’ sole earners (Pact 2007)” (533).

“Pact regards ASM areas as crucial to the overall peacebuilding agenda for DRC for the following reasons:

"ASM offers the potential for substantial economic dividends for both individuals and families—dividends that could be even more significant if ASM were properly organized and responsibly managed.

"Women working in ASM face significant social and health consequences whose long-term impact remains unknown. Increasing security for women and ensuring that ASM meets basic health and safety standards would help mitigate negative impacts and potentially increase women’s productivity in the sector.

"The ASM sector remains subject to resource governance conflicts that are pertinent to the DRC’s larger peacebuilding agenda. For example, several reports published by Pact and International Alert address the importance of improving governance to ensure more equitable remuneration for artisanal miners (Pact 2010; Spittaels 2010). Women’s concerns are intricately linked to this overall reform agenda” (p. 540).

Topics: Armed Conflict, Development, Economies, Poverty, Environment, Extractive Industries, Gender, Gender-Based Violence, Health, Peacebuilding Regions: Africa, Central Africa Countries: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Year: 2011

Resources and Resourcefulness: Roles, Opportunities and Risks for Women Working at Artisanal Mines in South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo

Citation:

Kelly, Jocelyn T.D., Alexandria King-Close, and Rachel Perks. 2014. “Resources and Resourcefulness: Roles, Opportunities and Risks for Women Working at Artisanal Mines in South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo.” Futures, May, 1-11. doi:10.1016/j.futures.2014.04.003.

Authors: Jocelyn T. D. Kelly, Alexandria King-Close, Rachel Perks

Abstract:

Two dominant narratives have characterized the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC): (1) the horrific abuse of women through sexual violence and (2) the use of “conflict minerals” to fuel the fighting. These two advocacy narratives intersect uniquely in artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) towns and can lead to flawed understandings of the true dynamics of women's experiences in these contexts. Mining areas are important centers of economic activity for women, but also pose distinct risks. A simplistic portrayal of women's victimization in mining towns suppress discussion of their participation in non-conflict political and social processes. Yet, these processes are among the most important to ensure that women secure opportunities for long-term, substantive engagement in mining activities. This paper draws on systematically collected qualitative data from two territories in South Kivu, Walungu and Kalehe, to examine how women negotiate these complex social and economic mining landscapes in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Their accounts compel a re-examination of development efforts to remove women from the mines altogether, and to look more closely at the measures available to help them realize their legal rights to work safely and fairly in these contexts.

Keywords: women, artisanal and small-scale mining, mining, conflict, war, Democratic Republic of the Congo, sexual violence, human rights, Gender

Topics: Armed Conflict, Economies, Extractive Industries, Gender, Women, Livelihoods, Rights, Human Rights, Sexual Violence Regions: Africa, Central Africa Countries: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Year: 2014

Constructing Soldiers from Boys in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo

Citation:

Trenholm, Jill, Pia Olsson, Martha Blomqvist, and Beth Maina Ahlberg. 2013. “Constructing Soldiers from Boys in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.” Men and Masculinities 16 (2): 203-27. 

Authors: Jill Trenholm, Pia Olsson, Martha Blomqvist, Beth Maina Ahlberg

Abstract:

This study is part of an ethnography focusing on war rape in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo where child soldiers are both victims and perpetrators of violence. Twelve ex-child soldier boys, aged thirteen to eighteen years, from a reintegration facility were interviewed about their soldiering experiences and their perspectives on sexual violence. Transcripts were analyzed using thematic analysis. Conceptual frameworks of militarized masculine identity and gender-based violence guided the process. Results revealed the systematic and violent construction of children into soldiers, inculcating a “militarized masculinity”; a rigid set of stereotypical hypermasculinized behaviors promoting dominance by violating, sexually and otherwise, the subordinate “other.” This was achieved through terrorizing/coercing, use of indigenous preparations, substance abuse, and forbidden reflection. This article presents a more contextualized complex view of the violent perpetrator whose behaviors are a manifestation of the modes and mechanisms in which society has constructed/reconstructed gender, ethnicity, and class, and the power dynamics therein.

Topics: Armed Conflict, Combatants, Child Soldiers, Gender, Boys, Masculinity/ies, Gender-Based Violence, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militarization, Sexual Violence, Rape, Violence Regions: Africa, Central Africa Countries: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Year: 2013

Before the War, I Was a Man’: Men and Masculinities in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo

Citation:

Lwambo, Desiree. 2013. “‘Before the War, I Was a Man’: Men and Masculinities in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.” Gender & Development 21 (1): 47-66. doi:10.1080/13552074.2013.769771.

Author: Desiree Lwambo

Abstract:

Humanitarian interventions that confuse 'gender issues' with 'women's issues' ignore the complex nature of gender and its potential as a tool for social change. This article reflects on this issue, in the context of an analysis of the relationship between sexual and gender-based violence and hegemonic masculinities in the conflict zone of North Kivu province in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. It draws on a research study focusing on the discrepancies between dominant ideals of masculinity and the actual realities of men's lives. As men try to enact masculine ideals of breadwinner and family head, the current political and economic context puts them under increasing pressure. Respondents drew a direct connection between the resulting sense of failure and unhealthy outlets for asserting masculinity, lack of productivity, and violence. They were critical of the fact that most programmes dealing with sexual and gender-based violence focus exclusively on supporting women. I argue here that such interventions do not recognise the interdependent and interactive nature of gender. Their antagonising effect is evidenced by the high level of men's resistance to programmes and campaigns promoting gender equality. The article further highlights the role of 'hegemonic masculinity' in creating a general climate of violence and conflict, pointing up the need for holistic approaches that empower men to make non-violent life choices.

Topics: Gender, Men, Masculinity/ies, Gender-Based Violence, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Sexual Violence, Violence Regions: Africa, Central Africa Countries: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Year: 2013

Service, Sex, and Security: Gendered Peacekeeping Economies in Liberia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo

Citation:

Jennings, Kathleen M. 2014. “Service, Sex, and Security: Gendered Peacekeeping Economies in Liberia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.” Security Dialogue 45 (4): 313-30. doi:10.1177/0967010614537330.

Author: Kathleen M. Jennings

Abstract:

This article uses the concept of the peacekeeping economy to examine how peacekeepers – as individuals – and peacekeeping – as a complex of institutions, policy and practice – interact with, and inevitably shape, the societies in which they operate. It focuses on how peacekeeping economies are gendered, and the implications of this gendering. The article first examines three types of work characteristic of the peacekeeping economies in Liberia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo – namely domestic service, sex work, and private security. The United Nation’s (UN’s) institutional responses to these sectors demonstrates the persistence of ‘traditional’ gendered ideologies in peacekeeping, in which the ‘private’, feminized sphere of the home – encompassing peacekeepers’ domestic and sexual arrangements – is marginalized, while the masculinized realm of security is prioritized and closely regulated. Furthermore, factoring in peacekeepers’ individual responses to service, sex, and security reveals a counter-narrative of the peacekeeper-as-vulnerable. This counter-narrative helps obscure the potential for exploitation of locals by peacekeepers. Yet it also upsets the subject position of both the peacekeeper and ‘the local’ in an unexpected manner, ultimately undermining the notion of the (masculine) UN protector. Such an understanding complicates popular notions of how gender ‘works’ in peacekeeping sites, and enables insights into the ramifications of peacekeeping’s (often) self-imposed limitations.

Topics: Economies, Gender, Men, Masculinity/ies, International Organizations, Peacekeeping, Security, Sexual Violence, Sexual Exploitation and Abuse Regions: Africa, Central Africa, West Africa Countries: Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia

Year: 2014

Rape as Torture in the DRC: Sexual Violence Beyond the Conflict Zone

Citation:

Pettitt, Jo. 2014. Rape as Torture in the DRC: Sexual Violence Beyond the Conflict Zone. London: Freedom from Torture.

Author: Jo Pettitt

Topics: Armed Conflict, Sexual Violence, Rape, Torture, Sexual Torture Regions: Africa, Central Africa Countries: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Year: 2014

Gender, Responsibility, and the Grey Zone: Considerations for Transitional Justice

Citation:

Baines, Erin. 2011. “Gender, Responsibility, and the Grey Zone: Considerations for Transitional Justice.” Journal of Human Rights 10 (4): 477-93.

Author: Erin Baines

Abstract:

The Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) has forcibly recruited tens of thousands of youth from northern Uganda, Southern Sudan, and more presently the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Central African Republic. The longer that abducted youth spend inside the armed group, the more likely they will assume positions of command. These roles are differentiated on the basis of sex and gender expectations: young men are more likely to become active combatants and young women are more likely to become forced “wives” and mothers. As a result, forcibly recruited male and female youth are assumed to hold different degrees of responsibility. Comparing the life stories of an abducted male and female youth who became LRA commanders, I argue that each made choices within a state of coerced militarized masculinity. The question of responsibility must be located in the context of a present-day grey zone, and must unsettle gendered assumptions about men and women, and guilt and innocence. Transitional justice has only begun to grapple with the ambiguity of gender, responsibility, and the grey zone.

Topics: Age, Youth, Armed Conflict, Combatants, Child Soldiers, Gender, Girls, Boys, Masculinity/ies, Gendered Power Relations, Justice, Transitional Justice, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militarization, Sexual Violence, Sexual Exploitation and Abuse Regions: Africa, Central Africa, East Africa Countries: Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, Uganda

Year: 2011

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