Chile

Citation:

Hepburn, Stephanie, and Rita J. Simon. 2013. HUMAN TRAFFICKING AROUND THE WORLD: HIDDEN IN PLAIN SIGHT. New York: Columbia University Press.

Authors: Stephanie Hepburn, Rita J. Simon

Abstract:

An examination of human trafficking around the world including the following countries: United States, Japan, United Arab Emirates, Thailand, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Colombia, Iraq, Syria, Canada, Italy, France, Iran, India, Niger, China, South Africa, Australia, United Kingdom, Chile, Germany, Poland, Mexico, Russia, and Brazil. (WorldCat)

Annotation:

Table of Contents:

Introduction

Part I: Work Visa Loopholes for Traffickers
1) United States
2) Japan
3) United Arab Emirates

Part II: Stateless Persons
4) Thailand
5) Israel & The Occupied Palestinian Territories

Part III: Unrest, displacement, and Who is in charge
6) Colombia
7) Iraq
8) Syria

Part IV: Conflation
9) Canada

Part V: Conflicting Agendas
10) Italy
11) France

Part VI: Gender Apartheid
12) Iran

Part VII: Social Hierarchy
13) India
14) Niger
15) China

Part VIII: Muti Murder
16) South Africa

Part IX: Hard-to-Prove Criterion and a slap on the wrist
17) Australia
18) United Kingdom
19) Chile
20) Germany

Part X: Transparent borders
21) Poland

Part XI: Fear Factor
22) Mexico

Part XII: Poverty and Economic Boom
23) Russia
24) Brazil

Conclusion

*Each Chapter follows the following format with some variations:

Introduction
As a destination
Internal trafficking
Trafficking abroad
What happens to victims after trafficking
What happens to traffickers
Internal efforts to decrease trafficking

Quotes:

"Devestation from a natural disaster...creates a sudden high demand for low-wage and largely unskilled labor. Disruption of the traditional labor supply leaves room for illicit contractors to move in, and new workers can be brought in unnoticed." (19)

"There continue to be more criminal convictions of sex traffickers than of forced-labor traffickers [However, this number of individuals victimized by forced labor may be increasing]." (32)

"Many experts state that the yakuza (organized crime) networks play a significant role in the smuggling and subsequent debt bondage of women--particularly women from China, Thailand, and Colombia--for forced prostitution in Japan. Determining the exact extent of yakuza involvement is difficult because of the covert nature of the sex industry. Consequently, the yakuza are able to minimize people's direct knowledge of their involvement...The yakuza networks work with organized crime groups from other nations, such as China, Russia, and Colombia." (49-50)

Topics: Economies, Gender, Women, Men, Girls, Boys, International Law, International Human Rights, Multi-National Corporations, Rights, Human Rights, Women's Rights, Sexual Violence, Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, Sexual Slavery, Trafficking, Human Trafficking, Labor Trafficking, Sex Trafficking Regions: Africa, West Africa, Americas, Central America, North America, South America, Asia, East Asia, Middle East, Southeast Asia, Europe, Central Europe, Eastern Europe, Western Europe, Oceania Countries: Australia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, China, Colombia, France, Germany, India, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Niger, Palestine / Occupied Palestinian Territories, Poland, Russian Federation, South Africa, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom, United States of America

Year: 2013

Citation:

Jacobs, Susie. 2014. “Gender, Land and Sexuality: Exploring Connections.” International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 27 (2): 173–90. 

Author: Susie Jacobs

Abstract:

This article explores links between the issues of sexuality and gendered control over agricultural land. It discusses gendered land rights in several settings, concentrating particularly on agrarian and land reforms. I argue that land redistribution in the “household” model, discussed for Chile and Nicaragua, tends to entrench male household and agricultural control. In contrast, more collective forms, discussed for Vietnam, have displayed economic weaknesses but had potential to undercut such control by socialising women’s labour. Fears about and visions of female sexuality have much to do with backlashes against inclusion of women, either through allowing them membership of cooperatives and collectives or through granting rights such as joint titling to land. In sub-Saharan Africa, there currently exists much discussion of improving women’s control over agriculture and its products. These continue to meet opposition, despite female predominance in agriculture in the region. Thus, even though women work on the land in many societies, this does not give them any automatic “closeness” to nature or say within households. Control over women’s, especially wives’, labour within peasant households, is linked to the manner that their persons and their labour are bound up in this socio-economic form. The article also examines two feminist attempts to configure alternative agricultural forms: the case of a lesbian agricultural collective in the west of the USA and an Indian model of new female-centred households for single women. Heterosexuality as an institution and gender subordination more broadly, as the examples here indicate, have to do not only with sexual practices or identity but extend also to issues of labour and access to crucial resources.

Topics: Agriculture, Economies, Gender, Households, LGBTQ, Rights, Land Rights, Women's Rights, Sexuality Regions: Africa, Americas, Central America, North America, South America, Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia Countries: Chile, India, Nicaragua, United States of America, Vietnam

Year: 2014

Citation:

Baldez, Lisa. 2003. “Women’s Movements and Democratic Transition in Chile, Brazil, East Germany, and Poland.” Comparative Politics 35 (3): 253–72.

Author: Lisa Baldez

Topics: Civil Society, Democracy / Democratization, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Political Participation Regions: Americas, South America, Europe, Central Europe Countries: Brazil, Chile, Germany, Poland

Year: 2003

Citation:

Noonan, Rita K. 1995. “Women Against the State: Political Opportunities and Collective Action Frames in Chile’s Transition to Democracy.” Sociological Forum 10 (1): 81-111.

Author: Rita K. Noonan

Abstract:

While transitions to democracy have been hailed as the most important phenomena of this century, few scholars understand the role that women have played in these metamorphoses. This article uses an historical in-depth case study to examine how and why women mobilized against the state in Chile. Previous social movement theories have not attended adequately to cultural and ideational elements (e.g., gender ideology), much less these factors in the Third World and authoritarian context. In contrast, the present study modifies and extends the concepts of political opportunity structure and collective action frames, suggesting that the manner in which ideology and cultural themes are framed may provide opportunities for protest, especially in the authoritarian context. Specifically, the rise and fall of broader mobilizational frames or master frames shapes how movement-specific frames compete, decay, and transform, as some master frames create space for certain ideas (e.g., feminism) while others do not. New hypotheses regarding the use of collective action frames in a nondemocratic setting are offered.

Topics: Democracy / Democratization, Gender, Women, Political Participation Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Chile

Year: 1995

Citation:

Matear, Ann. 1997. “Gender and the State in Rural Chile.” Bulletin of Latin American Research 16 (1): 97-105.

Author: Ann Matear

Abstract:

This paper focuses on SERNAM, the state institution responsible for the incorporation of gender into public policy in Chile, and the actions taken by the state to benefit women employed in the modern agricultural sector. It charts the emergence of the demands for such an institution by the women's movement, and the creation of SERNAM as an integral part of the transition to democracy. In particular, the paper analyses the Programme for the Children of the Temporeras, which is a unique state-led initiative to provide childcare facilities to enable women to enter the seasonal labour market during the summer months. The paper explores the complex relations between gender, the state, capitalist agriculture and patriarchal structures, with the aim of highlighting the sometimes unexpected convergence of interests, and the points of conflict.

Topics: Democracy / Democratization, Gender, Women, Gendered Power Relations, Patriarchy, Governance, Livelihoods Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Chile

Year: 1997

Citation:

Hollander, Nancy Caro. 1996. “The Gendering of Human Rights: Women and the Latin American Terrorist State.” Feminist Studies 22 (1): 40–80.

Author: Nancy Caro Hollander

Topics: Gender, Women, Governance, Health, Trauma, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militaries, Militarization, Rights, Human Rights, Sexual Violence, Rape, SV against Women, Terrorism Regions: Americas, Central America, South America Countries: Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala

Year: 1996

Citation:

Mooney, Jadwiga E. 2007. "Militant Motherhood Re-Visited: Women's Participation and Political Power in Argentina and Chile." History Compass 5 (3): 975-94.

Author: Jadwiga E. Mooney

Abstract:

This article addresses the immediate and long-term implications of militant motherhood in the Latin American Southern Cone. It contributes a new perspective to the now sizable literature on women's resistance and political participation by comparing militant motherhood under leaderships on opposite sides of the political spectrum. Mothers mobilization could, but did not, by definition, focus on gender equity or feminist goals. Anti-Allende women in Chile demanded military intervention - while the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo in Argentina requested an end to human rights abuses by the incumbent military regime. Both show how cross-national variation in the objective of militant motherhood still led to similar outcomes. The case studies of Chile and Argentina reveal that militant mothers immediate and long-term success lay in the nature of their resistance and their skillful use of tradition. They expanded traditional understandings of motherhood, and helped overcome the limits of gendered citizenship rights that restricted women's political participation.

Topics: Citizenship, Civil Society, Gender, Women, Gender Roles, Gendered Power Relations, Military Forces & Armed Groups, Militarization, Political Participation, Rights, Human Rights Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Argentina, Chile

Year: 2007

Citation:

Goetz, Anne-Marie. 1995. The Politics of Integrating Gender to State Development Processes: Trends, Opportunities, and Constraints in Bangladesh, Chile, Jamaica, Mali, Morocco, and Uganda. Geneva: UNRISD.

Author: Anne-Marie Goetz

Abstract:

This paper provides an assessment of efforts in six of the seven countries to improve public accountability to women in the development process. The paper begins with a brief theoretical discussion of feminist perspectives on the developmentalist state (Part I). It then goes on to provide an overview of some of the more prominent political, economic and social trends of the past two decades, against which efforts have been made to institutionalize gender in state development processes (Part II). In the main body of the paper (Part III), the author provides a historical and comparative analysis of efforts in the six case study countries to institutionalize gender concerns. The picture that emerges is one of extraordinarily fractured trajectories of institutionalization within the public administration. Most of the gender units within government bureaucracy that are studied here have a mandate to pursue their agenda across other government departments — a project that is sometimes called “mainstreaming”. For this they have devised a range of policy instruments (e.g. gender guidelines, gender training) intended to bring about gender-sensitive institutional, policy and operational changes across the public sector in order to make responsiveness to women’s interests a routine part of each sector’s activities. Despite significant efforts, the attempts to routinize gender concerns have for the most part been ineffective because gender units have been unable to provide the necessary incentives to encourage a positive reception in other departments. Some of the critical areas for gender mainstreaming considered in the paper include the national development plan and budget which constitute important public statements expressing politically selected priorities for change and progress, and are based on a macro-economic framework designed to create the conditions under which this national vision can be realized. Efforts so far in the countries studied have failed to ensure a systematic connection between national policy commitments to the integration of gender in development and the budgetary allocations that are necessary to realize those commitments. The chronic short-staffing of gender administrative units, compounded by their weak analytical skills, has tended to contribute to this failure. Equally important, however, has been the political weakness of gender constituents outside the state. In the politics of policy-making a critical point of leverage on decision makers is popular pressure and public opinion — the presence of an active constituency.

Topics: Development, Economies, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gender Mainstreaming, Governance, Political Participation Regions: Africa, MENA, East Africa, North Africa, West Africa, Americas, Caribbean countries, South America, Asia, South Asia Countries: Bangladesh, Chile, Jamaica, Mali, Morocco, Uganda

Year: 1995

Citation:

Franceschet, Susan. 2003. “‘State Feminism’ and Women’s Movements: The Impact of Chile’s Servicio Nacional de La Mujer on Women’s Activism.” Latin American Research Review 38 (1): 9–40.

Author: Susan Franceschet

Abstract:

Much of the literature on Latin American women's movements finds that movements have grown weaker since transitions to democracy in part because of the "institutionalization" of gender policy within states. This article advances an alternative argument drawing on evidence from the Chilean case. Using a historical institutionalist approach and the framework of state feminism, I outline the way Chile's Servicio Nacional de la Mujer (SERNAM) has altered the institutional context in which women's movements act. I show that SERNAM has affected both the shape of the movement (most notably the power relations among its various segments) and the strategies that different segments employ to pursue their interests. I argue that instead of weakening the women's movement, SERNAM actually provides the movement with important resources, most notably a discourse women's equality and a set of objectives around which to mobilize. There is evidence that Chilean women's organizations are responding to this new institutional context by linking up previously dispersed groups, using SERNAM's own discourse to pressure the state to fulfill its commitments to women and, most importantly, to ensure that, in addition to gender, class and ethnicity are also addressed as sources of women's marginalization.

Topics: Class, Democracy / Democratization, Ethnicity, Feminisms, Gender, Women, Gendered Power Relations, Gender Equality/Inequality, Governance, Political Participation Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Chile

Year: 2003

Citation:

Haas, Liesl, and Merike H. Blofield. 2005. “Defining a Democracy: Reforming the Laws on Women’s Rights in Chile, 1990–2002.” Latin American Politics and Society 47 (3): 35–68.

Authors: Liesl Haas, Merike H. Blofield

Abstract:

This article evaluates 38 bills seeking to expand women's rights in Chile and finds that the successful ones often originated with the Executive National Women's Ministry (SERNAM), did not threaten existing definitions of gender roles, and did not require economic redistribution. These factors (plus the considerable influence of the Catholic Church) correlate in important ways, and tend to constrain political actors in ways not apparent from an examination of institutional roles or ideological identity alone. In particular, the Chilean left's strategic response to this complex web of interactions has enabled it to gain greater legislative influence on these issues over time.

Topics: Gender, Governance, Political Participation, Religion, Rights, Women's Rights Regions: Americas, South America Countries: Chile

Year: 2005